GENDER AND IT-USAGE IN THE GOVERNMENT WORKFORCE: AN INVESTIGATION USING TWO THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Abhijit Jain
2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dieter Stiers ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville

AbstractGovernment cohesiveness is known to moderate retrospective voting. While previous work on this topic has focused on characteristics of the government, we build on the literature on clarity of responsibility and the literature on valence to argue that the extent to which government and opposition are ideologically distinct also moderates retrospective voting. Two alternative expectations follow from these two theoretical perspectives. While the clarity of responsibility framework leads to the expectation that a larger difference between government and opposition will strengthen retrospective voting, the valence literature presumes that retrospective voting is stronger when ideological differences are small. Using the data of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) project, we find evidence that is in line with the clarity of responsibility framework: the higher the degree of ideological polarization between government and opposition, the larger the effect of retrospective performance evaluations on the vote.


Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew YH Wong

This study examines support for redistribution in the developed economy of Hong Kong from three theoretical perspectives: self-interest, ideology, and social affinity. The analysis uses a between-subjects randomized vignette experiment to explore the interplay between welfare and politics; in particular, it addresses whether people express opposition to a welfare policy to convey political discontent even if they otherwise support the policy. Drawing on a survey of university students (N = 1245), the study finds that self-interest and ideology, and specifically perceptions of social mobility and individual responsibility, are strong predictors of support for redistribution. The vignette experiment provides evidence that politics indeed spills over into support for welfare policies. Respondents expressed less support for public housing if cued that the policy was associated with the government and were already dissatisfied with political leadership. The findings have implications for research on political support for redistribution and welfare policies.


Author(s):  
Manuel Perales

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Please check back later for the full article. Throughout history, trails, paths, and roads have been fundamental components for the development of human societies, particularly in the case of those that achieved complex forms of organization. In this sense, many ancient states implemented road systems that facilitated the flow of people and goods throughout their domains, at the same time that they strengthened control over conquered populations and sustained the structure of the government apparatus. In the case of Tawantinsuyu, the powerful state built by the Incas, rulers ordered the construction of a vast and sophisticated network of roads that extended from southern Colombia to the central region of Chile and the Argentinian northwest, running through territories currently belonging to Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia. Although the entire network is known today as Qhapaq Ñan, this term originally referred only to the major axis of the system, represented by the great royal road that connected Cusco, the Inca capital, with Quito and the northern border of the empire. Due to the advanced technology used in their design and construction, Inca roads garnered the admiration of the earliest Europeans in the Andes, who praised the level of organization and administration of communications handled by the state, as well as the integral infrastructure of the whole road system. Features of the system that were especially praised by the Spanish were bridges, storehouses, and facilities known as tambos, which were frequently used as inns for travelers during Spanish rule. Later, these references made 19th-century explorers and 20th-century researchers of different nationalities turn their attention to the study of Qhapaq Ñan. Since the 1990s, these studies have shown a marked increase and are being carried out from different disciplinary fields, theoretical perspectives, and methodological approaches. After the inclusion of the Qhapaq Ñan in the UNESCO World Heritage List, modern populations from the different localities associated with the Inca roads are increasingly claiming a role in research, conservation, and cultural management projects carried out by governments, institutions, and academics in their respective countries. This has opened an important debate on the processes of cultural heritage declarations, at the same time that it has highlighted the importance of the Qhapaq Ñan as a powerful element of cultural vindication and as a device with great potential for the promotion of Andean integration.


This Oxford Handbook pulls together much of our current knowledge about the origins, development, functions, and challenges of American social policy. After the introduction, the first substantive part of the handbook offers a historical overview of U.S. social policy from the colonial era to the present. This is followed by a set of chapters on different theoretical perspectives for understanding and explaining the development of social policy in the United States. The four following parts of the volume focus on concrete social programs for the elderly, the poor and near-poor, the disabled, and workers and families. Policy areas covered include health care, pensions, food assistance, housing, unemployment benefits, disability benefits, workers’ compensation, family support, and programs for soldiers and veterans. The final part of the book focuses on some of the consequences of the U.S. welfare state for poverty, inequality, and citizenship. Many of the chapters comprising this handbook emphasize the disjointed patterns inherent in U.S. policy-making and the public-private mix of social provision in which the government helps certain groups of citizens directly (e.g., social insurance) or indirectly (e.g., tax expenditures, regulations). The contributing authors are experts from political science, sociology, history, economics, and other disciplines.


Author(s):  
Claude Joseph

This essay is a critical assessment of the market failure theory and public choice theory. While the market failure theory provides a justification for government intervention in the economy, the public choice theorists are very skeptical about the role of government as a corrector of market failures. Since government failures can be worse than market failures, the imperfections in the market process, they argue, do not necessarily call for government intervention. These two theoretical perspectives, notwithstanding their difference, do share something in common. Both assume that individuals are self-interested. This essay contends that a shift from rational self-interested behavior to bounded-rational behavior provides a less contested role for the government. With bounded-rational behavior, the state should no longer be viewed as a mere surrogate of the market, but as “a choice architect,” “an entrepreneur,” and “a manager of conflict.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayub Muksin

<p>The Republic of Indonesia since 1945 when it proclaimed its independent from the Dutch colonialism adopted democracy as political system. In its political development, democracy in Indonesia had many names or label. From 1945 until 1959, the Republic of Indonesia adopted and implemented which   is commonly known as Liberal Democracy. During the period of 1945 – 1959, the government of Indonesia held  successfully general election with 39 political parties as well as mass organization and group of constituens which all together 100 participants in the general election. From 1959 until 1966, democracy which was took on called Guided Democracy.During this period there was no general election eventhough some political parties were permitted to exist by the current rezime . The rezime was of the opinion that the Indonesian people was not ready yet for carrying out generah election. After aborted Communist coup d’etat at 30 September 1965, new government arised, and they called their government as New Order or Orba in Bahasa Indonesia. The new order remained to adopt democracy in political system which was labelled as Democracy Pancasila, referred to the nation and state philosophy. The new order government organized six  times general election which was held in 1971 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992 and 1997. In general election 1973 there was  10 political parties and 1 mass organization called Golkar, formed by government as main political power of Orba. Since 1977 the election participants were only two parties, the United Party for Development (PPP), the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and Golkar. Then Golkar developed as hegemonic party, ardent and strong supporter to the Orba government, and always winning  in every general election. When Reformation Era came in 1998, the reformation government named its democracy as Demokrasi Reformasi, and as of 1998 until now, had successfully organized 4(four) times general elections with its participants fluctuated.  In 1999’s general election the participants was 48 political parties, 2004’ election was 24 parties, 2009’ s election was 38 parties, 2014’ general election was 12 parties. For 2019’ s general election, 16 parties was declared by the General Election Commission  or KPU as participants nationally.</p><p>From theoretical perspectives on democracy, whatever labelled or named, democracy implemented  in Indonesia  formally as DEMOCRACY.</p><p>Key words : Democracy. Political Parties, General Election.</p>


Author(s):  
Eileen A. Trauth ◽  
Jeria L. Quesenberry

Despite increases of women in the labor force, females are largely under-represented in the American IT workforce. Among the challenges that managers face in addressing the under representation of women in the IT workforce is the identification of an appropriate theory as a basis for understanding data about gender and IT in order to reverse the gender imbalance. Hence, the purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate the managerial implications of theory choice when addressing the under representation of women in the IT workforce. We provide an overview of the three main theoretical perspectives, the essentialist theory, the social construction theory, and the individual differences theory of gender and IT, which are used to understand and investigate the IT gender gap. We then make the argument that the essentialist and social construction theories do not provide the analytical robustness required to pay attention to more nuanced managerial recommendations. Finally, we demonstrate how the individual differences theory of gender and IT can significantly contribute to the reconfiguration of analytical knowledge of the IT gender gap and spur innovative management policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 486-499
Author(s):  
Nick Fobih

The purpose of this study is to examine some of the major constitutional and legal issues that are imperative in Ghana’s public administration. Despite Ghana’s success in promoting democratic governance over the past decades since the 1992 transition, numerous constitutional and legal issues affect effective policy design and implementation that require urgent governmental reforms. The study discussed the constitutional and democratic theories as the basis of the work. The methodology used is based on the qualitative approach with combined sources from primary and secondary data. The findings in the study show that certain aspects of Ghana’s constitutional provisions and legal framework do adversely affect its policy design and implementation in diverse ways. The significance of the study is that the outlined challenges and recommendations will inform the government and key policy makers on the need to make effective policies in order to enhance the country’s political and socio-economic development. The study’s implication for theory is that it will inform its readers about the different theoretical perspectives on the issues discussed. The study also provides key insights into important issues in Ghana’s constitutional provisions, and the legal and policy environment, which can serve as useful tools or instruments for policy makers in the three organs of government and the bureaucracy. This study further contributes towards academic discussions on the viability of the constitutions drawn by authoritarian regimes prior to the third-wave democratic transitions in Africa, and the difficulties some of these constitutional provisions pose to making effective policies and governance, thus emphasizing the need for constitutional reviews.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Virgínio Sá ◽  
Guilherme Rego da Silva

nserido nas preocupações atuais sobre os efeitos das ideologias e práticas neoliberais ao nível das condições de equidade nos agrupamentos de escolas, o nosso estudo constitui um recorte numa investigação em curso centrada na temática: “Políticas, Governação e Administração da Educação: Democracia, Desigualdade e Diferença”. A questão que orienta essa investigação é a seguinte: Como se organiza a escola para promover a democracia? Sustentando-nos na análise de conteúdo dos documentos estruturantes de um dos agrupamentos de escolas inserido na pesquisa referida, pretendemos compreender como, no contexto em análise, se procuram compatibilizar as pressões performativas, com os imperativos jurídico-normativos da “democratização do ensino” e de “uma justa e efetiva igualdade de oportunidades no acesso e sucesso escolares” (Lei de Bases do Sistema Educativo). Para atingir este objetivo, o nosso olhar debruça-se sobre alguns dos “instrumentos de autonomia” do agrupamento, dedicando especial atenção ao projeto educativo, ao regulamento interno e também ao projeto de intervenção do diretor. Para desvelar as lógicas discursivas evidenciadas nos documentos analisados, recorremos às teorias da justiça, destacando o conceito de “justiça complexa” (ESTÊVÃO, 2002), e às teorias da democracia, incluindo o conceito de “pós-democracia gestionária” (LIMA, 2014). Para a dilucidação das “lógicas de justificação” subsumidas nos documentos analisados mobilizamos ainda as perspetivas teóricas que discutem a escola como “lugar de vários mundos” e racionalidades (DEROUET, 2000) e que enfatizam a importância da “estrutura formal como mito e cerimónia” (MEYER; ROWAN, 1977).Palavras chave: Agrupamentos. Democracia. Eficácia, Equidade. Justiça complexaPOLITICS, MANAGEMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE GOVERNMENT OF SCHOOLS: the case of a school cluster in the north of PortugalAbstractInserted in the current concerns about the effects of neoliberal ideologies and practices in terms of equity conditions in school clusters, our study constitutes an outline of an ongoing investigation centred on the theme: “Education Policies, Governance and Administration: Democracy, Inequality and Difference". The question that guides this investigation is the following: How is the school organized to promote democracy? Based on the content analysis of the structuring documents of one of the school clusters inserted in the referred research, we intend to understand how, in the context under analysis, they seek to reconcile the performative pressures with the legal-normative imperatives of “democratization of education” and “a fair and effective equal opportunity in school access and success” (Basic Law of the Educational System). In order to achieve this objective, our view focuses on some of the “instruments of autonomy” of the group, paying special attention to the educational project, the internal regulations and the intervention project of the director. To unveil the discursive logics evidenced in the analysed documents, we resort to theories of justice, highlighting the concept of “complex justice” (ESTÊVÃO, 2002), and the theories of democracy, including the concept of “managerial post-democracy” (LIMA, 2014). In order to clarify the “logics of justification” contained in the analysed documents, we also mobilized the theoretical perspectives that discuss the school as a “place of several worlds” and rationalities (DEROUET, 2000) and that emphasize the importance of “formal structure as myth and ceremony” (MEYER; ROWAN, 1977).Keywords: School clusters. Democracy. Effectiveness, Equity. Complex justicePOLÍTICA, GESTIÓN Y DEMOCRACIA EN EL GOBIERNO DE LAS ESCUELAS: el caso de un grupo escolar en el norte de PortugalResumenInserto en las preocupaciones actuales sobre los efectos de las ideologías y prácticas neoliberales en términos de condiciones de equidad en las agrupaciones escolares, nuestro estudio constituye un esbozo de una investigación en curso centrada en el tema: “Políticas educativas, gobernabilidad y administración: democracia, desigualdad y Diferencia". La pregunta que guía esta investigación es la siguiente: ¿Cómo se organiza la escuela para promover la democracia? A partir del análisis de contenido de los documentos estructurantes de una de las agrupaciones de escuelas insertadas en la investigación referida, pretendemos comprender cómo, en el contexto analizado, se busca conciliar las presiones performativas, con los imperativos jurídico-normativos de “democratización de la educación” y “una justa y efectiva igualdad de oportunidades en el acceso y éxito escolar” (Ley Básica del Sistema Educativo). Para lograr este objetivo, nuestra mirada se centra en algunos de los “instrumentos de autonomía” de la agrupación escolar, prestando especial atención al proyecto educativo, la normativa interna y también el proyecto de intervención del director. Para develar las lógicas discursivas evidenciadas en los documentos analizados, recurrimos a las teorías de la justicia, destacando el concepto de “justicia compleja” (ESTÊVÃO, 2002), y las teorías de la democracia, incluyendo el concepto de “posdemocracia gerencial” (LIMA, 2014). Para aclarar las “lógicas de la justificación” contenidas en los documentos analizados, también movilizamos las perspectivas teóricas que discuten la escuela como un “lugar de varios mundos” y racionalidades (DEROUET, 2000) y que enfatizan la importancia de la “estructura formal como mito y ceremonia”. (MEYER; ROWAN, 1977).Palabras clave: Agrupaciones. Democracia. Efectividad. Equidad. Justicia compleja


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Javes Andrade da Luz ◽  
Maria Helena Weber

RESUMO O artigo aborda a importância de preservar e de manter publicamente disponíveis os acervos da comunicação governamental nos sites oficiais, a partir do entendimento de que esses são espaços privilegiados para difusão e pesquisa sobre informações de interesse público nas democracias. Como forma de evidenciar o tema, apresenta levantamento da comunicação governamental disponível no site oficial da Presidência da República do Brasil produzida durante o governo do ex-presidente Michel Temer (2016-2018) e da ex-presidenta Dilma Rousseff (2010-2016), discutindo os impactos da preservação e do apagamento da comunicação governamental para a memória política do país. A abordagem vincula-se ao campo da democracia digital e responde a perspectivas teóricas das humanidades digitais, especificamente sobre registro, apagamento e memória na internet.Palavras-chave: Comunicação Pública; Comunicação Governamental; Democracia Digital; Sites Oficiais; Memória Política.ABSTRACT This paper discusses the importance of preserving and keeping publicly available collections of government communication on official websites, as privileged spaces for dissemination and research on information of public interest in democracies. As a way of highlighting the theme, this article observes the government communication available on the official website of the Brazil presidency, produced during the government of former President Michel Temer (2016-2018) and former President Dilma Rousseff (2010-2016) in order to discuss the impacts of preservation and erasure of government communication on the political memory of the country. The approach is linked to the Digital Democracy and the theoretical perspectives of the Digital Humanities, specially about registration, erasure and political memory on the internet.Keywords: Public Communication; Government Communication; Digital Democracy; Official Websites; Political Memory.


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