scholarly journals A memória política do Brasil no site da presidência: acesso e desvios da comunicação dos governos de Dilma Rousseff e Michel Temer | Brazil’s Political memory: access to the government communication of Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer on the Planalto Palace website

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Javes Andrade da Luz ◽  
Maria Helena Weber

RESUMO O artigo aborda a importância de preservar e de manter publicamente disponíveis os acervos da comunicação governamental nos sites oficiais, a partir do entendimento de que esses são espaços privilegiados para difusão e pesquisa sobre informações de interesse público nas democracias. Como forma de evidenciar o tema, apresenta levantamento da comunicação governamental disponível no site oficial da Presidência da República do Brasil produzida durante o governo do ex-presidente Michel Temer (2016-2018) e da ex-presidenta Dilma Rousseff (2010-2016), discutindo os impactos da preservação e do apagamento da comunicação governamental para a memória política do país. A abordagem vincula-se ao campo da democracia digital e responde a perspectivas teóricas das humanidades digitais, especificamente sobre registro, apagamento e memória na internet.Palavras-chave: Comunicação Pública; Comunicação Governamental; Democracia Digital; Sites Oficiais; Memória Política.ABSTRACT This paper discusses the importance of preserving and keeping publicly available collections of government communication on official websites, as privileged spaces for dissemination and research on information of public interest in democracies. As a way of highlighting the theme, this article observes the government communication available on the official website of the Brazil presidency, produced during the government of former President Michel Temer (2016-2018) and former President Dilma Rousseff (2010-2016) in order to discuss the impacts of preservation and erasure of government communication on the political memory of the country. The approach is linked to the Digital Democracy and the theoretical perspectives of the Digital Humanities, specially about registration, erasure and political memory on the internet.Keywords: Public Communication; Government Communication; Digital Democracy; Official Websites; Political Memory.

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Bhakti Satrio Wicaksono

This article aims to find out what happened to digital democracy regarding the Dildo account case. This research uses descriptive qualitative research research methods. The type of observation method used is the non-participation observation method. The non-participant observation method is the method that researchers chose in conducting this research. The results of the study show that the view of digital democracy can be seen from two perspectives, namely the government and the people's point of view. Political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. The Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion on social media. The freedom to voice opinions, especially through cyberspace, still cannot be said to be free. This can be seen with how when the Dildo account voices humor and national issues that are close to the public, it still gets contra opinions from other parties. The conclusion of the research is that political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion in social media. The existence of internet technology in terms of statehood can be a double-edged knife, especially on social media where information is spread so fast. Parody or current humor is treated wisely and is not necessarily considered a dangerous thing.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Pap ◽  
Viktor Glied

The co-existence between Hungarians and Islam has been considered balanced, until the spring of 2015 when a wave of migrants appeared in Europe. “Opening to the East”, the foreign policy announced by the government in 2011 heralded a new chapter of cooperation with Arabic/Muslim countries, predominantly due to economic considerations. The migrant crisis turned government communication, as well as the stance of Jobbik, the largest opposition party, upside down. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam and the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders played in the competitive communication of the national-radical, pro-Muslim opposition Jobbik party (achieving a lead in the polls) and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-kdnp which typically emphasise their Christian character.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Heloiza Helena Matos e Nobre ◽  
Jorge Pereira Filho

Mobilizada por diversos discursos contemporâneos, a participação constitui-se em um campo de estudo amplo, cuja definição é proposta em variados referenciais teóricos, às vezes de modo conflitivo. Tema de relevância crescente, tem sido discutido por diversos autores para refletir sobre os impasses do sistema político das democracias modernas e constitui-se também em um conceito-chave da comunicação pública. Como iremos abordar, o fundamento da comunicação assenta-se em procedimentos, que precisam estar abertos à participação ativa da sociedade, e em objetivos, que têm o interesse público como pano de fundo. Este artigo procura, assim, discutir teoricamente o conceito de participação, tecendo algumas relações possíveis entre essa reflexão e o conceito de comunicação pública.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Participação; Comunicação pública; Democracia.     ABSTRACT Mobilized by various contemporary discourses, participation is on a broad field of study, whose definition is proposed in different theoretical frameworks, sometimes conflicting mode. Subject of growing relevance has been mobilized by several authors to discuss impasses of the political system of modern democracies and also constituted in a key concept of public communication. How will we address the communication plea in procedures that need to be open to the active participation of society, and objectives that have the public interest as a backdrop. This article therefore seeks to theoretically discuss the concept of participation, weaving some possible links between that thought and the concept of public communication.   KEYWORDS: Participation; Public communication; Democracy.   RESUMEN Movilizados por diversos discursos contemporáneos, la participación es en un amplio campo de estudio, cuya definición se propone en diferentes marcos teóricos, a veces manera conflictiva. Tema de creciente relevancia, ha sido discutido por varios autores para reflexionar sobre los callejones sin salida del sistema político de las democracias modernas, y que también ha constituido en un concepto clave de la comunicación pública. ¿Cómo vamos a abordar el motivo de comunicación en los procedimientos que deben estar abiertos a la participación activa de la sociedad, y los objetivos que tienen el interés público como telón de fondo. Por tanto, este artículo se discute teóricamente el concepto de participación, tejiendo algunas posibles vínculos entre el pensamiento y el concepto de comunicación pública.  PALABRAS CLAVE: Participación; comunicación pública; Democracia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Masduki Masduki

Government officials and politicians have been both a help and hindrance in the public dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic. The intervention of a president and his/her ministries with their political and economic interests is particularly problematic when they employ a tactical approach rather than provide accurate and effective disaster information. This paper utilizes a political-economy approach to analyze the link between COVID-19 communication policies and practices with the interests of politics and market stability in Indonesia. In this paper, the author drills into the extent to which the country’s president and ministries manage their political interests in times of global pandemic. The ways they interact with the public during various stages of disaster are crucial because society is severely disrupted, with the government serving as the sole actor. This study uses qualitative methods and all materials are managed from an extensive review of current literature, policy analysis, and field observation. This paper finds that Indonesian government communication during the COVID-19 pandemic period (February– June 2020) has been dominated by a desire to maintain a strong power of the ruling authority and to secure market stability. Two factors—pro-market communication policies and manufactured- politicized COVID-19 data—have occurred. This paper contributes to the literature by focusing on the political and economic approach over the mediated discourses surrounding the pandemic.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Begoña Giner ◽  
Araceli Mora

PurposeThe study aims to show how the public interest has been argued to justify the political interference in the accounting of financial entities as a tool to face a critical financial situation in a country. And to offer a different perspective of the publicness notion that focuses on the field of financial accounting for private entities.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws on legal and political arguments referred to the public interest that consider the balancing approach, and so goes beyond the traditional agency framework, to explain politicians' influence on financial reporting. The behavior of the newly elected Spanish government, which issued accounting impairment rules for banks is described, and the accounting practices of a highly politically connected financial entity—Bankia—are used to illustrate the consequences of that intervention.FindingsThe paper evidences that the government intervention, which implied non-compliance with IFRS, was in line with its economic goals, led to the financial sector bailout and avoided the rescue of the country. This is what we call “breaking rules to achieve the public interest”, which is also consistent with a big-bath behavior to justify the bailout and legitimate the decision to breach IFRS. The silence of enforcers is consistent with the balancing approach that suggests compliance costs from a breach of rules are perceived less relevant after a high-level decision.Research limitations/implicationsThis is a country-specific study based on a single case study that limits the generalizability of the findings.Originality/valueThis research provides a new angle to consider the political motivations to intervene in accounting in the private sector, as well as the enforcers' motivations to allow it. From an interdisciplinary perspective, it shows how politicians have argued the “public interest” to use (and abuse) to intervene in accounting rules, as well as to influence the accounting practice of a highly politically connected bank. It also highlights the potential long-term unintended consequences of these actions.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gagah Yaumiyya Riyoprakoso ◽  
AM Hasan Ali ◽  
Fitriyani Zein

This study is based on the legal responsibility of the assessment of public appraisal reports they make in land procurement activities for development in the public interest. Public assessment is obliged to always be accountable for their assessment. The type of research found in this thesis is a type of normative legal research with the right-hand of the statue approach and case approach. Normative legal research is a study that provides systematic explanation of rules governing a certain legal category, analyzing the relationship between regulations explaining areas of difficulty and possibly predicting future development. . After conducting research, researchers found that one of the causes that made the dispute was a lack of communication conducted between the Government and the landlord. In deliberation which should be the place where the parties find the meeting point between the parties on the magnitude of the damages that will be given, in the field is often used only for the delivery of the assessment of the compensation that has been done.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document