scholarly journals Indonesia Political Development: Democracy, Political Parties in the Political Education Perspective

Author(s):  
Budi Kurniadi

This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.

Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayub Muksin

<p>The Republic of Indonesia since 1945 when it proclaimed its independent from the Dutch colonialism adopted democracy as political system. In its political development, democracy in Indonesia had many names or label. From 1945 until 1959, the Republic of Indonesia adopted and implemented which   is commonly known as Liberal Democracy. During the period of 1945 – 1959, the government of Indonesia held  successfully general election with 39 political parties as well as mass organization and group of constituens which all together 100 participants in the general election. From 1959 until 1966, democracy which was took on called Guided Democracy.During this period there was no general election eventhough some political parties were permitted to exist by the current rezime . The rezime was of the opinion that the Indonesian people was not ready yet for carrying out generah election. After aborted Communist coup d’etat at 30 September 1965, new government arised, and they called their government as New Order or Orba in Bahasa Indonesia. The new order remained to adopt democracy in political system which was labelled as Democracy Pancasila, referred to the nation and state philosophy. The new order government organized six  times general election which was held in 1971 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992 and 1997. In general election 1973 there was  10 political parties and 1 mass organization called Golkar, formed by government as main political power of Orba. Since 1977 the election participants were only two parties, the United Party for Development (PPP), the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and Golkar. Then Golkar developed as hegemonic party, ardent and strong supporter to the Orba government, and always winning  in every general election. When Reformation Era came in 1998, the reformation government named its democracy as Demokrasi Reformasi, and as of 1998 until now, had successfully organized 4(four) times general elections with its participants fluctuated.  In 1999’s general election the participants was 48 political parties, 2004’ election was 24 parties, 2009’ s election was 38 parties, 2014’ general election was 12 parties. For 2019’ s general election, 16 parties was declared by the General Election Commission  or KPU as participants nationally.</p><p>From theoretical perspectives on democracy, whatever labelled or named, democracy implemented  in Indonesia  formally as DEMOCRACY.</p><p>Key words : Democracy. Political Parties, General Election.</p>


Author(s):  
Albert NOGUERA FERNÁNDEZ

LABURPENA: Aniztasun politikoa, Konstituzioaren 1.1. artikuluaren arabera, antolamendu juridiko espainiarreko balio nagusietako bat da, eta funtsezko baldintza sistema demokratiko guztientzat. Aniztasun politikoa gauzatu ahal izateko, bi elementu behar dira: bata subjektiboa (alderdi politikoen askatasuna), eta bestea objektiboa (gehiengodun ez diren alderdiek, hauteskundeen ostean, erabakiak hartzeko prozesuetan eragiteko aukera emango dien ekintza politikoa gauzatzen jarraitu ahal izatea kritika eta proposamen alternatiboak egiteko). Artikulu honek adierazten du, azken hamarkadetan sistema politikoan eta ekonomikoan egindako berregituratzeen ondorioz, aniztasun politikoa bermatzeko beharrezko diren bi elementu klasiko horiek murrizten ari direla, eta horrek eragin negatiboa izan dezakeela aniztasun politikoaren balioan. RESUMEN: El pluralismo político constituye, de acuerdo con el artículo 1.1 de la Constitución, uno de los valores superiores del ordenamiento jurídico español y condición fundamental para todo sistema democrático. La realización del pluralismo político requiere de dos elementos: un elemento subjetivo (la libertad de partidos políticos) y un elemento objetivo (la capacidad de los distintos partidos no mayoritarios de continuar desarrollando, después de las elecciones, una acción política de crítica y propuesta de alternativas que les permita influir en la toma de decisiones). Este artículo analiza cómo, fruto de la reestructuración del sistema político y económicos llevada a cabo en las últimas décadas, estos dos elementos clásicos necesarios para la garantía del pluralismo político podrían estar sufriendo una limitación que afectaría, en sentido negativo, al propio valor pluralismo político. ABSTRACT: Political pluralism is, in accordance with Article 1.1 of the Constitution, one of the highest values of the Spanish legal system and fundamental to any democratic system. The realization of political pluralism requires two elements: a subjective element (the freedom of political parties) and an objective element (the possibility of the various non-majority parties to continue developing, after the elections, a political action review and proposal alternatives allowing them to influence in the government decisions). This article analyzes how as result of the restructuring of the economic and political system held in recent decades, these two classic elements needed to guarantee political pluralism could be suffering a limitation that affect, in a negative sense, the political pluralism own value.


Significance Two major earthquakes hit southern and central Mexico on September 7 and 19, killing at least 340 people and damaging thousands of buildings. The disaster has sparked a public backlash against the political system (in particular the high level of public financing for political parties) which could see the government review its 2018 budget proposals, published on September 8. Impacts The fiscal cost, though substantial, should not dent Mexico's investment grade ratings. Any popularity boost Pena Nieto might receive due to the government’s swift disaster response will be fleeting. The army’s performance in the rescue efforts should help improve its tarnished image. Any more disasters, whether earthquakes, hurricanes or volcanic eruptions could push state funds and logistical capacity to breaking point.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 500-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Galnoor

AbstractJudicialization in this article is the predisposition to find a solution in adjudication to types of dispute that had been settled previously in a socio-economic-political framework. “Legislative judicialization” (or over-legalization) is also a predisposition according to which the variegated spheres of our lives need to be regulated through a formal code of laws. In the political arena the questions relating to judicialization are: Is the assumption that legal decisions are able to save politics – mainly democratic values and abiding by the derived rules of the game – a valid one? Can one institution of the political system (broadly defined) – the law court – rescue the two other, the parliament and the government, in difficult times? Assuming that “successful” intervention by the judicial institution will cause the other two to abide strictly by the rule of law, could it at the same time curb their effective steering capacity, which is their main task? And conversely, if the steering capacity and the leadership ability to make “good” decisions are so flimsy – would it not be desirable to have judicial review to ensure that the political institutions at least make “proper” decisions that are not extremely unreasonable? These are the main questions discussed in this article.The findings regarding the judicialization of politics point out not only to the eagerness of the law courts, but mainly to the weakening of the political system, to the point where the Knesset, the Government and the political parties find it most difficult to function without the assistance given them by the law courts. And yet, did the judicial branch “save” the other two branches? Obviously, this has not happened thus far. In Israel, a profound democratic deficit exists in the political system due to the fact, among other things, that the political institutions are incapable of coping with the continuing internal and external crises. In Israeli society, judicialization is but a symptom of a wide-ranging predicament that requires a richer bill of fare than more laws and more adjudication. It consists of: the social grounding of democratic values; renewal of trust and confidence in the political institutions; strengthening the political parties; recognition of the contribution of civil organizations and the media; strengthening the local authorities, and more. This is the real arena, because there is a breaking point to the over-judicialization of the public sphere beyond which lies total anarchy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Vait Qerimi

In modern democracies, political parties have a very important political role. The existence of political parties is vital for the functioning of democracy. Political parties remain the cornerstone of the systems of government, and without their presence and operation, it is impossible to talk about the system and democratic institutions. Governance in a democracy means to and through political parties. Political parties and competition between them create the political system. Political parties constitute the central object of political sciences and they are almost always the main protagonists in the political systems. They undoubtedly represent the political power and the motor of parliamentarianism. Through the parliamentary action, the political parties build and operate the entire state structure of a state, regarding the functioning of parliament, the government, the head of state, to the local government bodies and other political institutions. Political parties are the socially dynamic forces representing one of the most significant achievements of democracy. This is well-argued with their very central role and crucial importance of the parties.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 161-175
Author(s):  
Jurij Szweda

Political parties and party system of Ukraine: problems of formation in the conditions of state building and social transition Political parties are known to play a profound role in the formation and functioning of the political system of a state. In the countries that are experiencing social transformations their place and role are a bit different from those they hold in the countries with a developed democracy. Since independence proclamation (1991) Ukraine has been in a state of public transition: from the Soviet totalitarianism with a communist single-party to a liberal pluralism. However, this way is rather complicated and ambiguous. The process of social transformation in Ukraine is complicated by the fact that it takes place simultaneously with the process of state building and setting the stages of sovereign statehood. The aim of this study is to analyze the peculiarities of political parties and party system establishment in Ukraine under the conditions of social transformation and state building.


2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
Ramlan Siregar ◽  
Zulkarnain ◽  
Safrizal Rambe

Democratic country like Indonesia usually generates healthy, growing, and rooted from below political party. In Indonesia, political parties have long been known before Indonesia's independence. At that time, the political party became the medium of the founding father's struggle to fight against colonialism. Since Indonesia's Independence Day, the existence of a political party was admitted and supported by the government. This study needs to do from a political point of view. It will enrich learning and understanding the existence of political parties concerning the development of Political Science in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to describe how the political party's history and its role from Orde Lama until the Orde Baru era in Indonesia. This study uses a qualitative research method, and data interpreting will be analyzed using the descriptive analysis method. In the meantime, data validation will be checked and rechecked after collecting data. This study concludes that Indonesian politics has experienced a significant shift in values and practices. Indonesia must begin to review the political system, nation, and state.


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
YOUNGMI KIM

AbstractThis paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


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