scholarly journals THE FUTURE OF PEACE BETWEEN ACEH AND JAKARTA UNDER HELSINKI AGREEMENT 2005

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-664
Author(s):  
Takdir Ali Mukti ◽  
Tulus Warsito ◽  
Sidiq Ahmadi ◽  
Bambang Cipto ◽  
Husni Amriyanto Putra

Purpose of the study: The paper examines the waves of criticism on the Indonesian government's violations in the implementation of the Helsinki agreement 2005 between Indonesia and the Aceh National Liberation Front (GAM). The question is, why the Aceh government which is controlled by GAM is retaining and loyal to the peace treaty when the Government of Indonesia has less attention. The objective of this research is to identify the latent interest in the post-conflict period. Methodology: By the qualitative method, data from the Aceh region were collected by interviewing selected informants from stakeholders in parliament, bureaucrats, academicians, local parties' leaders, and ex-combatants. Main Findings: The findings show that the existence of the idea of self-government in Aceh societies is still maintained, and peace agreement becomes a new document of struggle in a democratic system. Applications of this study: This research is useful for those who involved in the peace agreement including the Conflict Management Initiative and the European Union who initiated the peace to find common ground on the issue of the implementation of all points in the agreement which has not been realized until now. Novelty/Originality of this study: The research argues that Aceh government that dominated by GAM exponents, has efforts to defend the treaty as a legal-political instrument to reach the self-government’s status with its main elements namely local parties, the Aceh Guardian institutions, and recognition of Aceh society with flag and hymn as continuity of ideological movement. It implicates the dynamic of relations between the center and the regional government.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2/2020) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Sara Rajic

Public administration represents operations and practice of the government through management, administration and implementation of government policies having in mind public interests and the society as a whole. However, analysis of the political system and public administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) reveals that this definition is rather “modified” when it comes to the mentioned country. Even though public administration reform is one of the priorities for BIH, the reasons why it has not been more successful are post-conflict reconstruction and state building, unique political organisation as a result of a peace agreement, veto mechanisms and ethnic quotas which makes the consensus harder to achieve and delays adoption of important strategies. Even though political elite in BIH is committed to public administration reform and the key reform institutions have been established there is a lack of necessary knowledge and skills, competences and most importantly, political will. However, public administration reform definitely represents one of the key conditions for the future of BIH and its accession to the European Union (EU). Undoubtedly, public administration reform is a complex reform, and in this paper, the focus is on the case study of BIH by identifying its key issues on the way to the EU membership. This paper is based on analytical method with an explorative and descriptive purpose, comparative legal method, literature review method, and finally, synthesis of results, combined with professional insight and conclusions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Binetti ◽  
Martin C. Steinwand

International aid plays an important role in the reconstruction of war-torn societies after the end of civil war, but its effectiveness depends on whether aid reaches the neediest recipients. We study how power sharing in Nepal's post-conflict transition affected the political capture of aid. We argue that despite the explicit inclusion of disadvantaged groups in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement from 2006 and the Interim Constitution, regions that neither aligned with the Maoist rebels nor the government during the civil war remained politically disadvantaged. A possible causal mechanism is the low threat potential of non-combatant groups, which results in under-representation during peace negotiations and in post-conflict institutions. We present statistical evidence that districts in which neither the government nor the Maoist rebels (CPN(M)) had political support during the conflict receive systematically less aid during the post-conflict period, regardless of economic need or damage caused by fighting. At the same time, support for the CPN(M) during the conflict is a significant predictor for higher post-conflict aid flows, but only in times when the CPN(M) holds government office.


Subject The rising threat from BACRIM. Significance Organised criminal groups are now the non-state actors most frequently responsible for internal displacement of Colombians, according to a recent UN report. There is also evidence that the so-called BACRIM (criminal bands) are seeking to fill the vacuum after an eventual demobilisation of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The BACRIM, and Los Urabenos in particular, have expanded control over rural areas and the mining sector, posing a threat as the government seeks to attract foreign investment to boost development in a post-conflict environment. Impacts Criminal violence in cities along the western coast is already causing damage to Colombia's international image. Increased insecurity perceptions risk marring the political and economic benefits the government expects from the peace process. Criminal groups such as Los Urabenos will benefit from the vacuum left by the FARC if a peace treaty is signed later this year.


Author(s):  
Grzegorz Mazur

Brest Treaties of the Central States with Russia and Ukraine as a Prelude to the Treaty of Versailles In his article, the author discusses the reasons for the conclusion of peace treaties by the Central Powers with the Ukraine and Russia in February and March 1918. The article analyses the war goals of the Central Powers, especially Germany, and Austria-Hungary. It also depicts the situation of Russia and the Central Powers in the years 1917-1918. Furthermore, it describes the reasons that led individual countries to the Brest negotiating table, and presents the goals that these countries tried to achieve as the result of peace talks. An extensive part of the article constitutes a description of talks with the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a description of the peace agreement concluded with the Ukraine on February 9, 1918 and its significance. It led to far-reaching consequences as it resulted in breaking the concept of the so-called the Austro-Polish solution and in the decisive turn of Poles against the Habsburg monarchy and the Ukrainians. On the other hand, Austria-Hungary failed to obtain supplies, grain and raw materials granted by this agreement. The Ukraine was to supply 1 million tons of grain and a number of other resources. It was not viable as the country did not possess them. Nevertheless, it was the first international treaty to which the Ukraine was a signatory, and hence its great importance. It constituted international recognition of the Ukraine. A month later, on March 3, 1918, a peace treaty was signed with Soviet Russia. That was a confirmation of Russia's defeat in World War I. The country was unable to continue the war and had to sign it. The Soviet government signed a peace treaty knowing that they would break it at the first opportunity and did so immediately after the surrender of Germany on November 11, 1918. The author of the article presented the content of this treaty, the subsequent Soviet-German agreements of 1918 and their consequences - including details of the agreements with Turkey, as a result of which, on the one hand, Turkey tried to become the proverbial "regional power" in the Caucasus, and on the other, German troops entered Georgia. Autor w swoim artykule omawia przyczyny zawarcia przez państwa centralne w lutym i marcu 1918 r. traktatów pokojowych z Ukrainą i Rosją. Artykuł omawia cele wojenne państw centralnych, a zwłaszcza Niemiec, oraz Austro-Węgier, zaś w latach 1917-1918 ich sytuację oraz sytuację Rosji. Charakteryzuje przyczyny, które doprowadziły poszczególne państwa do stołu rokowań w Brześciu, a także przedstawia cele, jakie państwa te usiłowały osiągnąć w wyniku rozmów pokojowych. Obszerną część artykułu stanowi opis rozmów z rządem Ukraińskiej Republiki Ludowej, charakterystyka zawartego z Ukrainą 9 II 1918 r. układu pokojowego i jego znaczenie. Miał on ogromne następstwa, bowiem w jego wyniku doszło do zerwania koncepcji tzw. rozwiązania austro-polskiego i zdecydowanego obrócenia się Polaków przeciwko monarchii habsburskiej i Ukraińcom. Z drugiej strony Austro-Węgrom nie udało się uzyskać z tej strony zaopatrzenia, zboża i surowców; układ przewidywał, iż Ukraina dostarczył 1 mln ton zboża i szereg innych surowców. Nie mogła się z tego wywiązać, bo ich nie posiadała. Niemniej jednak był to pierwszy traktat międzynarodowy, którego sygnatariuszem była Ukraina, i stąd jego ogromne znaczenie, stanowił bowiem międzynarodowe uznanie Ukrainy. W miesiąc później, 3 III 1918 r., został podpisany układ pokojowy z Rosją Radziecką, który stanowił potwierdzenie klęski Rosji w I wojnie światowej, lecz ta nie była w stanie prowadzić dalej wojny i musiała go podpisać. Rząd radziecki podpisywał traktat pokojowy ze świadomością, że przy pierwszej nadarzającej się okazji zerwie go i uczynił to zaraz po kapitulacji Niemiec 11 XI 1918 r. Autor artykułu przedstawił treść tego układu, następne po nim układy radziecko-niemieckie z 1918 r., oraz jego konsekwencje, w tym szczegóły układów z Turcją, w wyniku których z jednej strony Turcja usiłowała stać się przysłowiowym „mocarstwem regionalnym” na Kaukazie, a z drugiej weszły do Gruzji wojska niemieckie.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
Muhammad Kamran Khan

Ayub Khan Era played a significant role in Pakistan political and constitutional history. He introduced Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) and Public Offices Disqualification Order (PODO) to contain the corruption and nepotism. He also introduced basic democracy system to transfer of power at grass root level. The main objective this study is to evaluate regime of Ayub Khan and impact of Pakistani society. He introduced the Basic Democratic System (B.D System) the purpose of this form of government were to elect the president and the member of parliament through electoral system. In 1964 the presidential election were held by the government unfortunately conspiracy against Muhtarma Fatima Jinnah was not won and she lost the seat. The era of Gen. Ayub Khan confronts the Indo-Pak war in 1965 which ends thorough the declaration of Tashkent, a peace agreement on 10th January 1966. The regime of Ayub Khan in (1958-68) was known as golden economic era because his economic growth, prosperity and the growing status of Pakistan on superior level on world's stage in his regime although politically he faced failure due to the inferiority of Eastern Pakistan, sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman presented six points which was formal as a conspiracy to break the country. In Agar Tala conspiracy case Mujeeb-ur-Rehman was arrested and put in prison, due to the situation in East Pakistan got worse and finally, General Ayub Khan said good bye and instead of handing over to the public representatives, it


Author(s):  
Nada Mustafa Ali

This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.


Author(s):  
David Whyte

This paper explores the immediate post-conflict period following the 2003 Coalition invasion of Iraq, analysing the political strategy of economic exceptionalism violently and illegally imposed by the Coalition partners. The government of occupation, Coalition Provisional Authority, (CPA) ensured the disbursal of revenue and the accumulation of profits at an accelerated rate with few administrative controls or mechanisms of accountability. In the case of the post-invasion transformation of Iraq, routine corporate criminality, facilitated by the government of occupation, is revealed as an important means of producing and reproducing (neo) colonial power relations. The systematic corruption of the reconstruction economy unfolded in a liminal space opened up by the suspension of law. This neo-colonial ‘state of exception' became the mode of domination that sough political and social transformation as part of the ‘reconstruction' process in post-Saddam Iraq.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Owen-Jackson

The number of countries involved in conflict appears to be growing. Global awareness of these conflicts grows as the increasing use of weblogs and mobile phone videos, alongside traditional technologies, demonstrates the day-to-day effects of conflict on those caught up in it. International organisations are drawn into negotiating ‘peace settlements’ and into monitoring post-conflict developments due to this growing global awareness of conflict and due to the influences of globalisation, increasing economic interdependence and other factors. International organisations, including the World Bank and agencies of the United Nations, try to find common ground between opposing factions in conflict situations in order to broker peace. This is not an easy task and compromises often have to be made. Peace agreements and settlements also need to take account of how the parties will work together in the future, and therefore, these may include aspects of educational provision. This article describes the role played by international organisations in negotiating the peace agreement that brought about the end of the conflict in the countries of the former Yugoslavia in 1995. It goes on to illustrate the consequences for education of this peace agreement and suggests that, whilst international organisations may have brokered peace on the streets, the opposing factions are continuing their war in the terrain of continuing educational conflicts, due at least in part to structures for educational provision laid out in the Dayton Agreement. The article provides support for Bush & Saltarelli's claim that education has two faces, and argues that in this case, unfortunately, the negative one predominates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-102
Author(s):  
Milot KRASNIQI ◽  
Laura TAHIRI ◽  
Azem KOLLONI

The reform of Public Administration in Kosovo is an essential part of the State-Building process. By the administrative reform, the Government aims to modernize the Public Administration, to strengthen its capacities and to make it more efficient and accountable. The post-conflict period in Kosovo from 1999 when the building of the new Public Administration in Kosovo began until the beginning of the administrative reform is a relatively difficult period for Kosovo. The reform of the Public Administration in Kosovo is manifested in two ways: first, in relation to its own development structure and, secondly, in relation to the functions it performs, the effects which are realized and the services provided to Institutions and citizens. The implementation of E-Government in Public Administration in Kosovo enables all efficient categories of Government services, at any time and from any distance, in order to meet daily needs of citizens. E-Government modernizes the administration and enables the creation of an efficient and accountable management at all levels of administration. Through the provision of electronic services to citizens, Kosova will be part of Europe.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Einas Ahmed

Most of the researches on peace agreements conclude that power-sharing arrangements included in these are mostly to the detriment of long-term democratic transformation. The basic argument of these studies is that peace deals consolidate mainly the power of the signatories to the detriment of other major political forces. This article illustrates that, in contrast to many cases, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed in 2005 between the government of Sudan represented by the ruling party, the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), has led to an important political transformation in state structure as well as in power relations. Although the CPA enhanced the legitimacy of the SPLM and the NCP and consolidated their political domination, it, nevertheless, contributed to a significant political opening for other political forces in the North and in the South. The CPA put an end to the historically exclusive political hegemony of the North. This article focuses on the dynamics of relations between the SPLM and the NCP during the transitional period and illustrates how these dynamics have impacted upon the process of political transformation.


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