scholarly journals FACTORS HINDERING PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REFORM AND EU ACCESSION: CASE STUDY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2/2020) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Sara Rajic

Public administration represents operations and practice of the government through management, administration and implementation of government policies having in mind public interests and the society as a whole. However, analysis of the political system and public administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) reveals that this definition is rather “modified” when it comes to the mentioned country. Even though public administration reform is one of the priorities for BIH, the reasons why it has not been more successful are post-conflict reconstruction and state building, unique political organisation as a result of a peace agreement, veto mechanisms and ethnic quotas which makes the consensus harder to achieve and delays adoption of important strategies. Even though political elite in BIH is committed to public administration reform and the key reform institutions have been established there is a lack of necessary knowledge and skills, competences and most importantly, political will. However, public administration reform definitely represents one of the key conditions for the future of BIH and its accession to the European Union (EU). Undoubtedly, public administration reform is a complex reform, and in this paper, the focus is on the case study of BIH by identifying its key issues on the way to the EU membership. This paper is based on analytical method with an explorative and descriptive purpose, comparative legal method, literature review method, and finally, synthesis of results, combined with professional insight and conclusions.

2022 ◽  
pp. 260-277
Author(s):  
Domagoj Galić ◽  
Dražen Barbarić ◽  
Ana-Mari Bošnjak

The European Union (EU) and Bosnia and Herzegovina have a long and specific relationship dating back to the early 1990s and the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. While the EU didn't present itself in a flattering light during the breakup of the SFRY, after the Dayton Peace Agreement and post-conflict governance, it tried to impose itself as a factor of stability in the eyes of B&H public. The aim of the chapter is to present key elements, problems, and consequences of unsuccessful integration into the EU. After a short presentation of the chronology of relations between B&H and the EU, the authors aim to answer several questions. First, what are the main issues in B&H-EU relations? Second, who is responsible for the stalemate in integration process? Third, how successful is the EU conditionality policy towards B&H?


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-664
Author(s):  
Takdir Ali Mukti ◽  
Tulus Warsito ◽  
Sidiq Ahmadi ◽  
Bambang Cipto ◽  
Husni Amriyanto Putra

Purpose of the study: The paper examines the waves of criticism on the Indonesian government's violations in the implementation of the Helsinki agreement 2005 between Indonesia and the Aceh National Liberation Front (GAM). The question is, why the Aceh government which is controlled by GAM is retaining and loyal to the peace treaty when the Government of Indonesia has less attention. The objective of this research is to identify the latent interest in the post-conflict period. Methodology: By the qualitative method, data from the Aceh region were collected by interviewing selected informants from stakeholders in parliament, bureaucrats, academicians, local parties' leaders, and ex-combatants. Main Findings: The findings show that the existence of the idea of self-government in Aceh societies is still maintained, and peace agreement becomes a new document of struggle in a democratic system. Applications of this study: This research is useful for those who involved in the peace agreement including the Conflict Management Initiative and the European Union who initiated the peace to find common ground on the issue of the implementation of all points in the agreement which has not been realized until now. Novelty/Originality of this study: The research argues that Aceh government that dominated by GAM exponents, has efforts to defend the treaty as a legal-political instrument to reach the self-government’s status with its main elements namely local parties, the Aceh Guardian institutions, and recognition of Aceh society with flag and hymn as continuity of ideological movement. It implicates the dynamic of relations between the center and the regional government.


Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmin Hasić

How are diaspora involvement in peacebuilding and elite cooperation in multi-ethnic municipalities complementary? This article examines how local elites perceive and respond to conflict-generated diaspora's role in peacebuilding in nine post-conflict multi-ethnic municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and whether these perceptions can determine types of inter-ethnic cooperation within local institutions. Using a systematic comparative case study analysis utilising ideal-type fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), I derive four types of relationships. The results indicate that local elites, experiencing various levels of direct and indirect interaction with diaspora communities, perceive diaspora's role in the process as constraining their own cooperation prospects. The analysis also demonstrates that local elites perceive diaspora as insufficiently competent and imperfectly coordinated to tackle major challenges in local peacebuilding frameworks and that diaspora actions do not significantly affect the reform of current dynamics and practices of intra-ethnic cooperation among elites.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Puzyniak

Położenie mniejszości narodowych na terenie Republiki Słowackiej regulują liczne akty prawne. Wśród nich znajdują się dokumenty przyjmowane na gruncie krajowym oraz rozwiązania o charakterze międzynarodowym. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie treści najważniejszych ustaw oraz dokumentów, które wpływają na położenie mniejszości narodowych na Słowacji, a także przybliżenie reakcji organizacji międzynarodowych na wprowadzane przez Bratysławę regulacje prawne. The legal status of national minorities in the Slovak Republic The location of national minorities in the territory of the Slovak Republic is regulated by numerous national acts, the most important of which are the constitution, the law on the use of national minority languages and the law on the state language. References to national minorities can be found in many other acts, such as the Act on counteracting discrimination, the Act on Upbringing and Education and the Act on Radio and Television. The issue of minorities is also raised in bilateral agreements, an example of which is the agreement on good neighbourliness and friendly cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Hungary. The legal situation of minorities in Slovakia is also influenced by international organizations to which Bratislava belongs. In this case, the Council of Europe’s most significant influence, the European Union, the Central European Initiative and the United Nations. Over the years, the Slovak authorities have also created institutions responsible for activities for national minorities, and among them, an important function is performed by the Government Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Republic for National Minorities. This article aims to analyse the legal acts and institutions regulating the legal status of national minorities in Slovakia. The publication is also intended to show that the issue of minorities is covered in many legal solutions, and the Slovak authorities have developed a system of protection and support for this community over the years. The author used the institutional and legal method.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Sahruddin Malik ◽  
Fakhri Kahar ◽  
Darman Manda

Accountability in providing public administration to the poor people in the Social Department of Makassar. This study was qualitative case study approach, while the instruments were the researchers themselves. This study showed that the accountability in providing public administration to the poor people had not run optimally. There were various approaches and alleviation programs for poverty that had not been able to change significantly. There was no continuous program during the official turnover. If the official was changed, then the policy would be changed, thus the programs were ineffective to minimize the poverty in Makassar. The policies and the supports were necessary from all the elements of construction and the involvement of entrepreneurs like stakeholders and community leaders. The government is necessary to take a role in uniting and bridging these issues. In addition, the strategic planning was necessary to involve society, not only as objects of development but also to be involved as the subject of development to alleviate the poverty in Makassar.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-363
Author(s):  
Tri Raharjanto

This study analyzes the urgency of implementing public administration ethics to realize good governance. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The data sources used in this study are primary and secondary data. Preliminary data was collected from interviews and questionnaires to respondents, while secondary data was collected through the literature study method. The location of this research is in one of the sub-district offices in the Sumedang District. Respondents who were given a questionnaire totaling 100 people living around the sub-district were selected based on the random sampling method. Based on the data and analysis of research results, it can be seen that sub-district employees in Sumedang District still have not implemented bureaucratic ethical governance properly. Government governance has not been able to absorb and develop more advanced management values. The problem arises because of the following: learning culture, processes, tools and techniques, and skill and motivation. This should be a concern, especially by the government, to create good governance, which is indicated by the high public trust in the government.


Evaluation ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-206
Author(s):  
Kettil Nordesjö

To understand how evaluation approaches change between contexts, they need to be studied in relation to their social, cultural, organizational and political contexts. The aim of the article is to describe and analyse how the European Union evaluation approach, ongoing evaluation, was translated in Swedish public administration. A case study shows how institutional entrepreneurs promote their evaluation norms of participatory evaluation and attach evaluation to a less dominant governance logic in the Swedish evaluation field. This raises questions about the role of the evaluator, evaluation terminology, and the unclear and weak borders of the evaluation field where evaluation approaches can be launched and translated with relative ease.


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.


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