scholarly journals The European Union’s Common Commercial Policy and the Covid-19 pandemic: Reactions and challenges

Author(s):  
Grzegorz Mazur

Purpose: The general aim of the chapter is to investigate trade measures implemented in the EU in the aftermath of the Covid-19 outbreak and define general potential effects of the current economic turbulences on the future shape of the Common Commercial Policy (CCP). Design/methodology/approach: The chapter is based on literature/EU official documents studies and statistical analysis of the EU’s merchandise trade. It has been structured into three parts. The first one presents recent trends in the EU’s external merchandise trade caused by the pandemic’s economic repercussions. This is followed by ashort analysis of temporary trade restrictions implemented by many EU Members States and the EU in response to supply shocks. The third part refers to the potential impact of current trade and economic processes on the post-pandemic trade strategy of the EU. Findings: Although the future shape of global trade system and the pandemic’s impact on the nature of the CCP are subjects of high uncertainty, the conducted analysis offers some general conclusions. The implemented trade restrictions should be limited and made temporary as future trade openness is essential for economic recovery. There is also ageneral consensus that the EU’s CCP should ensure the necessary resilience to future trade distortions. However, this should not be connected with protectionism and narrowly understood self-sufficiency. Among important factors that reinforce the resilience, we should mention the solutions delivered by new technologies (e.g. automation, AI, three-dimensional printing), fair competition, higher transparency of trade policies, international standards, certification schemes, and stronger multilateral cooperation, including World Trade Organization’s reforms. The renewed trade strategy will also be accompanied with global trade and economic tendencies such as the reshoring and regionalization of trade. Originality and value: The chapter is addressed to students, scholars, and policymakers by contributing to the current debate on the post-pandemic shape of global trade relations and the future nature of the EU’s Common Commercial Policy.

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberta De Santis ◽  
Claudio Vicarelli

Since the post war period, the EU Common Commercial Policy (CCP) has moved in two directions mainly through Preferential Trade agreements (PTAs): a "deeper" (internal) trade integration process intended to reinforce trade relations among European countries (i.e. Custom Union, Single Market, European Monetary Union, Enlargement Process), and a "wider" (external) integration process intended to reinforce trade relations with third countries. Surprisingly, there are very few empirical studies in the literature which specifically quantify the effects of the overall EU PTAs on the European countries’ trade flows. This paper seeks to fill this gap by conducting an empirical investigation on whether and how the CCP had a significant impact on European countries' imports. It adopts an extended version of the gravity model. In line with recent studies, it uses a Hausman Taylor estimator, controls for heterogeneity and includes a set of variables to proxy for the "multilateral trade resistance index" According to our results, the EU "free trade area" has been a successful experiment in trade liberalisation. However, the positive and significant coefficient of PTAs signed by the EU with third countries may somehow have limited the occurrence of trade diversion effects. Indeed, the coefficient of the trade diversion dummy is significant but relatively small.


2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 457
Author(s):  
Peter Baker

Most of the easy subsea oil and gas reserves have been discovered and are being developed. Future subsea developments will therefore need emerging or new technologies for fields that are economically marginal, in deeper waters and with longer offsets. Even existing reserves could benefit from enhanced recovery techniques. The introduction of new or emerging technologies needs careful evaluation and consideration as inherent risks need to be identified, quantified, and addressed. Typical technology interfaces needed to be considered are subsurface drilling and completions, subsea technology, topsides processes and facilities, and installation vessel capabilities.New and emerging technology maturity and gaps can be identified, quantified, and evaluated using recognised international standards such as ISO 20815, DnV RP A203, and API RP 17N. New technologies and the novel combination of existing technologies could become economic enablers, particularly for marginal developments. These enablers need careful evaluation for risk and reward, recognising potential impacts to health, safety and the environment. The following is a list of the typical subsea technologies that can be addressed: Gas compression-a requirement for ultra-long subsea tie backs to shore from remote fields. Water injection-boosts production and deals with waste water rather than treating and overboarding. Boosting and pumping-possible economic enablers. Separation-avoids costly retrieval of fluids and treatment at the surface. Fluids are often re-injected subsea. Sequestration-can be a game changer for environmental reasons. All electric systems. Active heating techniques-such as open and closed direct electrical heating, trace heating, integrated production bundles. Power distribution subsea is also a requirement for many new subsea technologies. This extended abstract examines some of the technologies being developed for future subsea production, assesses their maturity and identifies the technology gaps, and commercialisation necessary to make them economically and technically viable for operators. This extended abstract also takes a glimpse at how the fields of the future may look.


Author(s):  
N. Arbatova

The article analyses post-crisis methods and models of European integration that are at the center of political debate in the EU leading member-states. The current debate about the future of European integration is often portrayed as a choice between the federalist and intergovernmental approaches. The reality is far more complex, since European integration at its late stage is a combination of all integration methods. Nowadays it is more expedient to speak about flexible integration, or "variable geometry" that constitutes the most realistic approach to the post-crisis EU. The euro crisis led to a massive transfer of power to the EU level, and made political union a genuine possibility. However, although pro-Europeans now agree that political union is necessary to save the euro, they often have in mind very different things. Three models – asymmetric integration, full-fledged federation and two-speed Europe – are being discussed by the EU analysts and policy-makers. Whatever the future model, it is clear that it will require finding a balance between the greater flexibility and the rules that would allow EU to claim legitimacy for its actions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 583-611
Author(s):  
Alicia Hinarejos

This chapter explains how the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was set up and the flaws within the system. It gives a brief overview of the euro crisis and its relationship to, and consequences for, EMU. Finally, it looks to the current debate on the future of EMU and the EU, including the development of an EU banking union.


Significance They are intended to set the framework for the future economic relationship between the United Kingdom and the EU. However, they have become a source of deep political division and mistrust, exacerbating concerns about the future of their political and economic relationship. Impacts A further deterioration in UK-EU trade relations would threaten to undermine peace and stability in Northern Ireland. Negative trade news is unlikely to shift opinions significantly on Brexit or support for Prime Minister Boris Johnson. UK hostility towards defence and security cooperation underpinned by EU institutional arrangements will remain strong.


Author(s):  
Paola Mariani ◽  
Giorgio Sacerdoti

This chapter examines the negotiations on the future relations between the UK and the EU. The UK left the EU on the basis of a Withdrawal Agreement, which includes an obligation to negotiate in good faith the future relationship between the parties. The framework for future cooperation is outlined in a non-binding Political Declaration attached to the Withdrawal Agreement. This foresees the conclusion after the end of the transition period of a free trade agreement. However, the parties’ respective negotiating directives and guidelines, made public in February of 2020, show a remarkable gap in objectives and features of the future agreement, to the point that a failure of the negotiations and a no-deal Brexit is still a possibility. The chapter then considers the provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement impacting the future EU–UK relations, namely Article 184 and the Protocol on Northern Ireland that already foresees rules applying between the parties post-transition, with respect to Northern Ireland. It also reflects on the challenges the UK faces in negotiating trade agreements with the EU while also doing so with the rest of the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
O. М. Rudik

The article researches the scenarios for the future development of the EU by 2025 proposed by the European Commission. The white paper on the future of EU looks at how Europe will change in the next decade, from the impact of new technologies on society and jobs, to doubts about globalization, security concerns and the rise of populism. The European Commission emphasizes that the Europe’s role as a positive global force is more important today than ever. However, under the pressure of global competition the United Europe’s place in the world and its economic weight are shrinking, which is a solid foundation for preserving the unity of the Union for the sake of achieving greater. On the contrary, the most desirable scenario, as can be seen from the speech by the President of the European Commission, is to give the European Union a greater amount of power, resources and decision-making powers. As a result, cooperation between the EU-27 Member States will deepen in all areas than ever before. The White Paper outlines ve main scenarios («Carrying on», «Nothing but the single market», «Those who want more do more», «Doing less more e ciently», «Doing much more together»), each of them provides an opportunity to look at the possible state of a airs in the Union by 2025, depending on the choice that the EU will make by 2019. In the opinion of Jean-Claude Juncker, the most negative scenario of the EU development, and therefore extremely undesirable, is to bring its goals to purely economic, focusing the Union’s activities on the development of a single internal market and ensuring its uninterrupted functioning («Nothing but the single market» scenario). Based on data from the European Commission the author shows and brie y describes the key advantages and disadvantages of each of the scenarios. The common features of these scenarios are outlined: rst, they all come from the fact that the United Kingdom withdraws from the EU; secondly, none of them doubts the need to preserve the euro as common currency and the Schengen zone, thirdly, neither the scenarios refers to further EU enlargement. Since none of the proposed scenarios provides for the complete disintegration of the EU, that is, the disappearance of it as a geopolitical actor, it is concluded that in the strategic perspective all the outlined models of the EU’s future development suit Ukraine. Moreover, the steps recently proposed by the President of Ukraine and the European Parliament for deepening the economic integration of Ukraine with the EU and its association with the Schengen area also does not contradict any of the scenarios.


Author(s):  
Alicia Hinarejos

This chapter explains how the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was set up and the flaws within the system. It gives a brief overview of the euro crisis and its relationship to, and consequences for, EMU. Finally, it looks to the current debate on the future of EMU and the EU.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
C M Armand de Mestral

Abstract Canada’s trade relations with the UK have been governed by the CETA since the signature of that agreement with the EU in October 2016. Subsequent to the decision of the UK electorate to leave the EU, it became necessary to envisage the creation of a new trade agreement directly between the UK and Canada. Initially, the Government of Canada indicated a willingness to negotiate a new trade agreement with the UK as quickly as possible. But, as the future relationship of the UK to the EU became increasingly uncertain, the Government of Canada decided to hold back until greater clarity could be obtained. As of July 2020, Canada was still waiting. The future trade agreement will reflect the desire of both countries to maintain their long-standing and close relationship. Both have strong interests in trade and investment with the other and both will seek to reinforce these interests. The particular concerns of both countries are outlined in this paper and the outlines of a future trade agreement are set out. In conclusion, the author suggests that it would be in the interests of the UK, rather than seeking simply a bilateral agreement, to seek to negotiate an Atlantic Free Trade Agreement, thereby clarifying its relations not simply with Canada but with all of Europe and North America.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
Gediminas Valantiejus

Abstract For more than ten years (since 2004) the Republic of Lithuania is a member of the EU and is realizing its economic and trade relations with other foreign countries, and regulating customs duties according to the requirements of the EU Common Commercial Policy. However, in the recent years foreign trade (in particular - exports of goods) remained one of the main factors which increased an economic growth (recovery) in the Republic of Lithuania after the global economic crisis of the world, which began in 2008. In this context, the search for new markets and expansion of trade relations with new trade partners in Asia became essential in order to diversify the structure of the national economy and avoid dependence on traditional trade partners, such as Russia. Taking into account this strategic goal, the article seeks to answer a question whether an existing foreign trade regulation system ensures the status of Lithuania as an attractive partner of foreign trade with East Asian countries (Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore) and what regulatory instruments (customs duty rules and procedures) should be used on the national level to ensure cooperation with these countries. In order to answer this problematic question, the first chapter of the article overviews general tendencies in Lithuanian foreign trade with the countries of East Asia, while the second chapter is dedicated to describe regulatory regime for import customs duties on the national level (in line with the major provisions of the EU Common Commercial Policy). The practical problems and obstacles to international trade are presented in the third chapter and are illustrated by the examples of case law, which was formed in disputes relating to the decisions and actions of Lithuanian national customs authorities for the period from 1 May, 2004 (since entry to the EU)).


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