Wealth, Commonwealth, and the Constitution of Opportunity

Author(s):  
Joseph Fishkin ◽  
William E. Forbath

New work in economics has shown how extreme inequality of wealth makes opportunities more unequal by hardening class lines, restricting access to networks, and giving elites both the means and the incentive to maintain and magnify their own advantages and keep others out. Moreover, we know more clearly than ever how economic and political inequality (and inequality of opportunity) are intertwined. But we have somehow lost the sense that these threats to our democracy of opportunity are threats, as well, to our constitutional order. We tell the story of the democracy of opportunity tradition, exploring how both its proponents and its opponents viewed these constitutional stakes at a series of critical moments of constitutional conflict. We begin our story at the beginning, and then recount how the democracy of opportunity tradition evolved as both our economic life and our constitutional order evolved. We then tell a story of how the democracy of opportunity tradition was forgotten, and how that forgetting colored the revival of the constitutional principle of inclusion in the Civil Rights Revolution. We end by addressing why the democracy of opportunity tradition matters today, and what might be at stake in recovering it.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Thomas Christiano

Abstract Algorithmic communications pose several challenges to democracy. The three phenomena of filtering, hypernudging, and microtargeting can have the effect of polarizing an electorate and thus undermine the deliberative potential of a democratic society. Algorithms can spread fake news throughout the society, undermining the epistemic potential that broad participation in democracy is meant to offer. They can pose a threat to political equality in that some people may have the means to make use of algorithmic communications and the sophistication to be immune from attempts at manipulation, while other people are vulnerable to manipulation by those who use these means. My concern here is with the danger that algorithmic communications can pose to political equality, which arises because most citizens must make decisions about what and who to support in democratic politics with only a sparse budget of time, money, and energy. Algorithmic communications such as hypernudging and microtargeting can be a threat to democratic participation when persons are operating in environments that do not conduce to political sophistication. This constitutes a deepening of political inequality. The political sophistication necessary to counter this vulnerability is rooted for many in economic life and it can and ought to be enhanced by changing the terms of economic life.


Author(s):  
Berthold Rittberger

This chapter examines how the European Union acquired distinctive constitution-like features. It begins with a discussion of three routes to constitutionalization: the first is through changes in the EU's primary law; the second focuses on ‘in between’ constitutionalization; and the third leads directly to the European Court of Justice and its jurisprudence. The chapter proceeds by discussing two developments that have shaped the EU constitutional order almost since the beginning: the emergence of a body of EU law constituting a set of higher-order legal rules, and the consolidation of the constitutional principle of representative democracy. It explains how the supremacy and direct effect of EU law, as well as the EU court's concern with the protection of fundamental rights, helped transform the EU into a constitutional polity. It also considers how the extension of the legislative, budgetary, and other powers of the European Parliament animated the constitutional principle.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 148-154
Author(s):  
E. V. Pozdnyakova

This article presents the concept of the administrative and legal transformation of constitutional order, security and Russia's well-being protective management. The author reveals the idea of protective management as an integrated system of measures, taken by the Russian Federation legislation, used to ensure the adequate implementation of subjective rights. Special attention is paid to a comparative analysis of such legal concepts as "administrative and legal security" and "administrative and legal protection" of the constitutional order, security and Russia's well-being. Noting the fact that these concepts can be united by common objects, objectives and the administrative-legal protection regime, the author points out that the methods for achieving them are deifferent and they do not coincide at all. Based on the research results, the following objectives of the administrative and legal transformation of protective management are highlighted: the Russian statehood preservation as a single territorial integrity of the state, ensuring the national democratic system stability, preserving civil-society institutions, human and civil rights and freedoms, and especially preventing threats to economic crises. With the help of linguistic analysis, the legal category "administrative and legal support" is revealed. And in this context, it is logical to conclude that the concept of "administrative legal protection" can be viewed from several positions: both as a combination of different means and conditions aimed to carry out certain tasks of vital functions of the functional system and as the process of creating and providing these means and conditions At the same time, it is clarified that the content of administrative and legal protection of the constitutional order, security and Russia's well-being is not limited to legal norms and lawmaking. The author points out that the concept of "administrative legal protection" differs from the term "legal system", and also compares it with the categories "lawmaking", "legal regulation" and "legal means". To sum it up, the author concludes that the administrative and legal transformation of the constitutional system, security and Russia's well-being protective management acts as a set of standards and legal activities of authorized entities.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 491-507
Author(s):  
ROBERT J. McKEEVER

In an effort to maximize the representation of African Americans and Hispanics in the United States House of Representatives, many state legislatures have consciously sought to create so-called “majority–minority” congressional districts. This involves carving out districts in which African Americans or Hispanics constitute more than 50 per cent of the voting age population. The expectation is that such districts will elect a minority member of the House, which in turn will lead to a Congress that is more sensitive and responsive to the needs and interests of America's two largest ethnic minorities. Indeed, this expectation has become an article of faith for the mainstream civil rights movement and its white sympathizers.However, like other forms of affirmative action, majority–minority districting sits rather uncomfortably alongside the Constitutional principle of race-neutrality. In a series of recent cases, the United States Supreme Court has declared that, by subordinating traditional districting principles to the overriding need to draw boundaries along racial lines, states have violated the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.


Slavic Review ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 602-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan W. Daly

Not one inhabitant is shielded from the proizvol [arbitrary power] of gendarmes.—St. Petersburg Governor, 1906We are incapable of imagining a governor who cannot, according to his discretion and without a trial, summarily arrest, exile and impose ruinous fines.—Vladimir Gessen, 1908Commentators on the imperial Russian polity have regarded the Security Law of 14 August 1881, which invested administrative officials with broad discretionary powers, as the keystone of the developing Russian police state, the virtual cause of the 1905 revolution, even “Russia's de facto constitution.” In truth, it merely codified and, in many respects, actually limited the powers granted by emergency measures adopted in the late 1870s, at the height of the terrorist campaign to murder Alexander II. The Judicial and Zemstvo Reforms of 1864 had marked the beginning of the development of the rule of law and a respect for civil rights in Russia, and the emergency legislation adopted between 1866 and 1881 was an only partially successful attempt by administrative Russia to return to traditional patterns of arbitrariness, or proizvol. Late imperial Russia's emergency legislation, in other words, was not a turning point on the path toward a modern “police state“ but a sign of that country's uneasy transition from an absolutist to a constitutional order.


Author(s):  
James Toomey

Abstract The Swiss Constitution was amended by referendum in 1992 to include two unique provisions: Article 119, which imposes strict limits on genetic and reproductive technologies in humans in order to protect ‘human dignity’, and Article 120, which commits the Swiss federal government to limiting genetic technologies in non-human species on the basis of the ‘dignity of the creature’. This article analyzes the role of ‘dignity’ as a limit on biotechnologies in the Swiss constitutional order. It concludes that the understanding of dignity the constitution embraces codifies a contestable metaphysical theory of value at the constitutional level. Specifically, the Swiss constitutional concept of dignity embraces the normative theory that the natural order is a source of moral value. Because this theory speaks directly to contested questions of the good life, Switzerland’s adoption of it as a constitutional principle is analogous to the adoption of a religious theory in a constitution. The concept of dignity as understood in the Swiss constitutional order is contrary to the commitment to epistemic humility characteristic of liberal constitutions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-150
Author(s):  
Waldemar Walczak

The article presents multifaceted considerations and results of analyses concerning the necessity to perceive the phenomenon of corruption through the prism of a gross violation of constitutional values, the principles of the rule of law and social justice. The main focus is on discussing civic rights that are effectively eradicated by corruption, at the same time emphasizing a holistic and systemic approach to understanding and interpreting specific processes and decisions confirmed in practice. At the beginning, it is explained why a broad research perspective should be adopted to understand the essence of corruption. An important argument supporting the correctness of the adopted approach are statements contained in the Government Program for Counteracting Corruption 2018–2020. Next, the most important constitutional values and civil rights are indicated, which are not respected and remain only in the declarative sphere as a result of corrupt practices. In order to prove the illusory nature and facade of certain provisions of the Polish Constitution, important statements contained in the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal are quoted, and then these interpretations are analyzed in relation to real situations occurring in everyday reality. These problem issues are presented from the perspective of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, social justice and non discrimination. It is also noted in this regard that corruption activities are precisely the main factor leading to the division of citizens into two separate categories according to the way they are treated. Finally, it is mentioned that in the European Union ever greater emphasis is currently being placed on compliance with the rule of law. This problem is closely related to the need to understand the negative consequences of corruption as an element that undermines trust in the state, constitutional order and the rule of law.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (41) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Luiz Antônio Evangelista De Andrade

Há uma renitente negativa, de boa parte Judiciário brasileiro, em aplicar o postulado contido no princípio constitucional da função social da propriedade. A observância do mérito das contendas em torno das utilizações da propriedade fundiária vem privilegiando a sua dimensão civilista, em detrimento da sua natureza social. Em face daquela negativa, nas metrópoles brasileiras têm sido intensas as reivindicações dos movimentos sociais de luta pela moradia, cujo fito é o de fazer cumprir tal princípio constitucional, bem como de seus dispositivos, regulamentados no Estatuto da Cidade. Uma das chaves de interpretação dessas decisões do judiciário é que a função social da propriedade é uma categoria jurídica e política que expressa teórica e idealmente os pilares da economia política. Atendo-se a esse pressuposto, assim como ao fato de que a propriedade fundiária, nos últimos 30 ou 40 anos, assumiu uma importância renovada na dinâmica da acumulação e da urbanização brasileira, há diversas implicações sobre a reflexão e as reivindicações em torno do cumprimento daquele mesmo princípio. E a historicidade da formação da moderna propriedade e dos debates sobre sua função social, dentro e fora do Brasil, são cruciais no entendimento daquelas implicações.    THE PRINCIPLE OF SOCIAL FUNCTION OF PROPERTY ON THE LEGAL-POLITICAL RING: A CONTRIBUTION TO DISCUSSIONS ABOUT CONTEMPORARY URBAN PROBLEMS. Abstract: There is an intransigent refusal, from a good part of Brazilian Judiciary, to apply the postulate from the constitutional principle of social function of property. The observance of the merit of strivings about the uses of land properties has been focusing on their civil rights dimension, rather than the social one. On the other hand, in Brazilian major cities, the demands of the Housing Policy social movements, whose the main order is to enforce this constitutional principle, as well as its provisions, regulated in the Statue of the City. One of the keys to interpret those judicial decisions is that the social function of property is a legal and political category which represents theoretically and ideally the pillars of political economy. Based on this premise likewise on the fact that, in the last 30 or 40 years, land properties renewed their importance in the accumulation dynamics and in Brazilian urbanization, there are several implications for reflection about and claims around the implementation of that same principle. And both the historicity of the modern property formation and the debates about its social function, inside and outside Brazil, are crucial to understand those implications. Keywords: land property; social function of property; land rent; built urban environment. EL PRINCIPIO DE LA FUNCIÓN SOCIAL DE LA PROPRIEDAD EN LA ZONA DE CONFLICTO JURIDICO-POLITICO: UNA CONTRIBUCIÓN AL DEBATE SOBRE LA PROBLEMÁTICA URBANA CONTEMPORÁNEA Resumen: Hay un obstinado rechazo, de buena parte del Poder Judicial brasileño, en aplicar el postulado contenido en el principio constitucional de la función social de la propiedad. La observancia del fondamento de las disensiones en torno a los usos de la propiedad de la tierra viene privilegiando su aspecto civilista, en detrimento de su naturaleza social. Por otro lado, en las metrópolis brasileñas han sido intensas las reivindicaciones de los movimientos sociales de lucha por la vivenda, cuya finalidad es el de hacer cumplir dicho principio constitucional, así como de sus prescripciones juridicas, reguladas en el Estatuto de la Ciudad. Una de las claves de interpretación de estas decisiones judiciales es que la función social de la propiedad es una categoría jurídica y política que expresa teórica e idealmente los pilares de la economía política. Teniendo e cueta a este presupuesto, así como al hecho de que la propiedad territorial, en los últimos 30 o 40 años, ha ganado una importancia renovada en la dinámica de la acumulación y de la urbanización brasileña, hay varias implicaciones sobre la reflexión y las reivindicaciones en torno al cumplimiento de aquel mismo principio. Y la historicidad de la formación de la moderna propiedad y de los debates sobre su función social, dentro y fuera de Brasil, son fundamentales en el entendimiento de aquellas implicaciones. Palabras-clave: Propiedad territorial; Función social de la propiedad; Renta del suelo; Espacio urbano construido.


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Hudyma ◽  
◽  
Myroslav Kovaliv ◽  
Andriy Pryveda ◽  
Khrystyna Kaydrovych ◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of guarantees as an element of the legal status of a judge. The article considers the effectiveness of justice by the judiciary as an independent branch of state power, which is entrusted with the function of protecting the rights and legitimate interests of persons in the state. It is argued that the right to judicial protection can be properly realized only if there is an effective mechanism of judicial protection, which becomes real if there are guarantees for the activity of a judge. The independence and independence of the judiciary is due to the constitutional principle of separation of powers, proclaimed in the Constitution of Ukraine. However, it is in democracies that this principle acquires special significance, because we are talking about legally enshrined guarantees and effective mechanisms of «containment and balances» in the organization and activities of various branches of government. Each of the branches of government – legislative, executive and judicial, independently performs only its inherent functions, not obeying each other. Decisions are made by the judiciary due to their independence, because no additional approval by the bodies of other branches of government is required. The most important prerequisite for this is the protection of the judiciary from unlawful influence or interference from other actors. Only an independent judiciary can become the guarantor of the rule of law, the implementation of effective and accessible justice and a fair judicial decision of cases in the state. The guarantees of the judge's activity in the administration of justice are divided into three groups: guarantees of the procedural activity of the judge as the bearer of judicial power, the subject of the process; organizational and legal guarantees for the activity of a judge as a person holding a public office and is a member of the judicial community; social and legal guarantees of a judge as a citizen with a special legal status, limited in civil rights by legislation on the status of judges and occupying a separate position in society.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (41) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Luiz Antônio Evangelista De Andrade

Há uma renitente negativa, de boa parte Judiciário brasileiro, em aplicar o postulado contido no princípio constitucional da função social da propriedade. A observância do mérito das contendas em torno das utilizações da propriedade fundiária vem privilegiando a sua dimensão civilista, em detrimento da sua natureza social. Em face daquela negativa, nas metrópoles brasileiras têm sido intensas as reivindicações dos movimentos sociais de luta pela moradia, cujo fito é o de fazer cumprir tal princípio constitucional, bem como de seus dispositivos, regulamentados no Estatuto da Cidade. Uma das chaves de interpretação dessas decisões do judiciário é que a função social da propriedade é uma categoria jurídica e política que expressa teórica e idealmente os pilares da economia política. Atendo-se a esse pressuposto, assim como ao fato de que a propriedade fundiária, nos últimos 30 ou 40 anos, assumiu uma importância renovada na dinâmica da acumulação e da urbanização brasileira, há diversas implicações sobre a reflexão e as reivindicações em torno do cumprimento daquele mesmo princípio. E a historicidade da formação da moderna propriedade e dos debates sobre sua função social, dentro e fora do Brasil, são cruciais no entendimento daquelas implicações.    THE PRINCIPLE OF SOCIAL FUNCTION OF PROPERTY ON THE LEGAL-POLITICAL RING: A CONTRIBUTION TO DISCUSSIONS ABOUT CONTEMPORARY URBAN PROBLEMS. Abstract: There is an intransigent refusal, from a good part of Brazilian Judiciary, to apply the postulate from the constitutional principle of social function of property. The observance of the merit of strivings about the uses of land properties has been focusing on their civil rights dimension, rather than the social one. On the other hand, in Brazilian major cities, the demands of the Housing Policy social movements, whose the main order is to enforce this constitutional principle, as well as its provisions, regulated in the Statue of the City. One of the keys to interpret those judicial decisions is that the social function of property is a legal and political category which represents theoretically and ideally the pillars of political economy. Based on this premise likewise on the fact that, in the last 30 or 40 years, land properties renewed their importance in the accumulation dynamics and in Brazilian urbanization, there are several implications for reflection about and claims around the implementation of that same principle. And both the historicity of the modern property formation and the debates about its social function, inside and outside Brazil, are crucial to understand those implications. Keywords: land property; social function of property; land rent; built urban environment. EL PRINCIPIO DE LA FUNCIÓN SOCIAL DE LA PROPRIEDAD EN LA ZONA DE CONFLICTO JURIDICO-POLITICO: UNA CONTRIBUCIÓN AL DEBATE SOBRE LA PROBLEMÁTICA URBANA CONTEMPORÁNEA Resumen: Hay un obstinado rechazo, de buena parte del Poder Judicial brasileño, en aplicar el postulado contenido en el principio constitucional de la función social de la propiedad. La observancia del fondamento de las disensiones en torno a los usos de la propiedad de la tierra viene privilegiando su aspecto civilista, en detrimento de su naturaleza social. Por otro lado, en las metrópolis brasileñas han sido intensas las reivindicaciones de los movimientos sociales de lucha por la vivenda, cuya finalidad es el de hacer cumplir dicho principio constitucional, así como de sus prescripciones juridicas, reguladas en el Estatuto de la Ciudad. Una de las claves de interpretación de estas decisiones judiciales es que la función social de la propiedad es una categoría jurídica y política que expresa teórica e idealmente los pilares de la economía política. Teniendo e cueta a este presupuesto, así como al hecho de que la propiedad territorial, en los últimos 30 o 40 años, ha ganado una importancia renovada en la dinámica de la acumulación y de la urbanización brasileña, hay varias implicaciones sobre la reflexión y las reivindicaciones en torno al cumplimiento de aquel mismo principio. Y la historicidad de la formación de la moderna propiedad y de los debates sobre su función social, dentro y fuera de Brasil, son fundamentales en el entendimiento de aquellas implicaciones. Palabras-clave: Propiedad territorial; Función social de la propiedad; Renta del suelo; Espacio urbano construido.


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