The Case of a Christian Governor in Jakarta as a Sign of Times for Catholics (and Christians) in Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andang L Binawan
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Right ◽  
Gubernatorial Election ◽  
Near Future

Blasphemy charges against Ahok (BasukiTjahajaPurnama), as he contested Jakarta’s gubernatorial election, turned into a test of how successful Islamic hardliners can be in exercising influence on the moderate Muslim majority. Ahok was the first Chinese Christian governor of Jakarta in the contemporary times enjoying immense popularity. His political rivals, who are a group of extreme Muslims, exploited religious sentiment to win the election. This governor election, then, seemingly became a battle between the moderate majority, who mostly support Ahok, and the hardliners, who are clearly outnumbered. This case points to the emergence of an iceberg appearing from the Islamic movement, some seventy years after the political independence of Indonesia. Though it does not indicate whether Indonesia will in the near future become an Islamic state, it is clear that the pendulum is swinging from the middle to the right. Responding to this recent development, minorities, especially Christians including Catholics, should redefine their place in Indonesia.

Many Faces of Fascism: Attempt of Comprehension of the Concept

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-62
Author(s):  
V. Sh. Surguladze
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Cultural Dialogue ◽  
The Right

In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.

Principles of Governance, Freedom, and Responsibility in Islam

1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Hasan Turabi
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Consultation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Islamic Society

I. IntroductionAlthough I have been directly involved in a political process that seeks toestablish an Islamic state, I am not going to describe the forms that an Islamicgovernment might take in any particular country. Rather, I will try to describethe universal characteristics of an Islamic state. These derive from theteachings of the Qur'an as embodied in the political practice of the ProphetMuhammad (pbuh), and constitute an eternal model that Muslims are boundto adopt as a perfect standard for all time. The diversity of historical circumstances,however, in which they try to apply that ideal introduces anecessary element of relativity and imperfection in the practice of Islam.An Islamic state cannot be isolated from society, because Islam is a comprehensive,integrated way of life. The division between private and public,the state and society, which is familiar in Western culture, has not been knownin Islam. The state is only the political expression of an Islamic society. Youcannot have an Islamic state except insofar as you have an Islamic society.Any attempt at establishing a political order for the establishment of a genuineIslamic society would be the superimposition of laws over a reluctant society.This is not in the nature of religion; religion is based on sincere conviction andvoluntaiy compliance. Therefore an Islamic state evolves from an Islamicsociety. In certain areas, progress toward an Islamic society may be frustratedby political suppression. Whenever religious energy is thus suppresed, itbuilds up and ultimately erupts either in isolated acts of struggle or resistance,which are called terrorist by those in power, or in a revolution. In circumstanceswhere Islam is allowed free expression, social change takes placepeacefully and gradually, and the Islamic movement develops programs ofIslamization before it takes over the destiny of the state because Islamicthought - like all thought - only flourishes in a social environment of freedomand public consultation (shura) ...

Religion and the state in contemporary Arab society: theoretically, practically and prospectively†

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-523
Author(s):  
Abdelilah Belkeziz
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Main Factor

Through an examination of the different types of relationships between religion and the state, this article argues that the two extremes of this relationship – namely, the case whereby the state exploits religion and the one where it tries to banish it – ultimately lead to the emergence of political Islam as a reaction. Political Islam can be seen as employing religion to gain political power, hence reinforcing the worldly aspects and self-interest of a certain group at the expense of intellectual, ethical and doctrinal considerations. Practically speaking, political Islam has pushed the idea of an Islamic state to suicidal theocratic ends. The main factor behind the ascent of Islamists to political power is the political vacuum resulting from the retreat of the left, added to absolute obstructionism in the political domain. In an attempt to redeem religion and the state in contemporary Arab society and end the struggle between Islamists and secularists, four suggestions are presented: (1) recognition of the right of any political movement to derive its basic ethos from religion, or religious heritage, on condition that this is considered a personal endeavour rather than a religious issue; (2) stressing the civil nature of all parties, whether secular or religious; (3) respecting the civil nature of the state; and (4) abiding by the democratic circulation of power. In sum, a revitalization of the modern state system is inevitable.

Islamic Opposition to the Islamic State: The Jamaʿat-i Islami, 1977–88

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
General Assertion ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
Process Characteristics ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Islamic Revivalism

Islamic revivalism is often believed to be solely committed to the Islamization of society, viewing politics as merely an instrument in the struggle to realize its aim. The record of Islamic revivalist movements—as exemplified by one of the oldest and most influential of them, the Jamaʿat-i Islami, or Islamic party of Pakistan—however, brings this presumption into question. The nature of the linkage between Islamic revivalism as a particular interpretive reading of Islam and politics is more complicated than is generally believed. Political interests, albeit still within an Islamic framework, play a more important and central role in the unfolding of revivalism—even overriding the commitment to Islamization—than is often ac knowledged. Participation in the political process eschews a blind commitment to Islamization and encourages adherence to organizational interests, and as is evi dent in the case of Pakistan, to the democratic process, characteristics that are not usually associated with Islamic movements. The dynamics and pace of this pro cess are controlled by the struggles for power within an Islamic movement as well as vis-à-vis the state. It is through grappling with these struggles that the commit ment to Islamization is weighed against the need to adhere to organizational and political interests; this is the process that governs the development of Islamic re vivalism. Beyond this general assertion, the manner in which the struggle for power unfolds, the variables that influence it, and the nature of its impact on the development of revivalism need to be explored further.

scholarly journals ISU DASAR NEGARA INDONESIA MENJELANG PEMILU 1955: Studi Kasus Pidato Politik Soekarno Di Amuntai 27 Januari 1953

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
National State ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
Secular State

"Islamic State versus National State" was a heated political issue throughout the 1950s that created highly tense and dividing debates among Indonesia's political communities. President Soekarno, a leading proponent of National State, raised this issue for the first time in his speech in Amuntai on January 27th, 1953. The present paper contends that this speech was crucial for the political discourse contestations that followed between the religiously-neutral Nasionalist camp and the Islamic camp. The former argued against the latter's idea of building an Islamic state in Indonesia and proposed instead, a secular state that guarantees the right of its citizens to observe their religious teachings. The value of Soekarno's speech could be seen from reactions it generated from the supporters of Islamic State who called it a smear campaign and a doctrine dangerous to their struggle to erect an Islamic state in Indonesia.

Confronting the Indian State: islamism, secularism, and the Kashmiri Muslim question

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Iymon Majid
Keyword(s):  
Minority Rights ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Indian Secularism ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This paper investigates the framework of Islamist politics of Jama'at e Islami in Indian-administered Kashmir. Even though Jama'at e Islami creates the notion of “other” in the Indian state and challenges it but Kashmir's provincial relationship with India also forces it to work within the limits set up by the same state. This paper, thus, conceptualizes the relationship between Indian state and Islamists in a Muslim Majority region that demands the right to self-determination. In doing so, the paper interrogates Jama'at e Islami's rhetorical opposition to the political doctrine of Indian secularism and raises queries about minority rights and their place in the Islamist project.

Astra and the Appeal of the Nation: Power and Autonomy in Late-Nineteenth-Century Transylvania

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 215-246
Author(s):  
Tanya Dunlap
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Community ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Romanian Literature ◽  
The Right ◽  
Near Future

An Enthusiastic Group of Romanians gathered in Sibiu at the 1905 annualassembly of Astra, the largest Romanian cultural association in Transylvania, to celebrate their nation and their future. Moved by the gathering and the festivities, the editor of the association's paper, Transilvania, expressed a hope he and thousands of his compatriots shared: “Never before has this people been in a more favorable position as a superiorethnic element, as an important factor of civilization, and as a gifted nation with vitality, character, and great talents that guarantee it a bright future and a distinguished place among the peoples of eastern Europe.”1 Like many prominent Romanians of his time, the editor firmlybelieved that his nation would enjoy equal status with other European national groups in the near future. Equal standing had been a central goal of theRomanian intellectuals and clergy who founded the Transylvanian Associationfor Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, in 1861. Since the eighteenth century, Romanian elites in Transylvania had worked to obtain recognition for their national community so that they couldparticipate fully in the political life of the region. Two centuries later Astra members still hoped they were on the verge of forming a Romanian nation that could achieve the right to control its own destiny.

scholarly journals Philosophical analysis of narodnik ideology and its origins

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Ya. P. Sakouski
Keyword(s):  
World View ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Philosophical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The process of forming a united Belarusian nation is very interesting for retrospective reflection. At a certain point, this process coincides with the activity of the Populists in the mid to late XIX century. The ideology of Narodniks is not an ordinary politico-educational teaching for Belarusian realities. It is important to analyze the philosophical grounds implicit in this ideology in order to understand what role it played in the formation of the Belarusian nation.In the article, 8 controversial philosophical problems are considered, to which the doctrine of Narodniks gives some answers. Purpose is to analyze the position of the Narodniks regarding these issues and to show the main difference between the Belarusian case of Narodniks and the Russian one. Objectives: to reveal the reasons for the appearance of Narodniks, the relationship between Narodniks and the Church, to show controversial theses in the ideology under consideration. Having carried out a this philosophical analysis, one can come to the conclusion that the ideology of Narodniks was significantly different from the generally accepted religious world view. It was an instrument for the influence of oppositional intellectual elite on the peasantry with the aim of eliminating the political passivity of the broad masses of people in the Russian Empire. However, overcoming the political passivity of the population in such a multinational and multi-confessional country as the Russian Empire put the issue of nationalities and a number of other acute problems on the agenda. As a result, the Belorussian narodniks movement, although it was “leftist” by other beliefs, placed great emphasis on the “right” idea of political independence of the Belarusian nation.

scholarly journals Gerakan Isis dan Ancaman Radikalisme Agama di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Fisher Zulkarnain ◽  
Tata Septayuda Purnama
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
Data Collecting ◽  
Muslim Majority

This article purposes to analyze the movement of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and its influence in Indonesia. The concept of theocratic state, is often adapted by ISIS movement to create a country based on a caliphate system while treating the rigidity of Islamic law. This reseach employes correspondence with former activists of the radical Islamic movement and literature review as data collecting technique. The study finds out there some ideologies of ISIS movement. One of them is takfir (an infidel) others who disagrees with him and kills anyone who opposes religious ideology. Although ISIS is resistant from the Muslim majority, it still appeal tacit sympathy from jihadist groups in Indonesia. One evidence of the support in Indonesian Muslim community, can be viewed the access on the ISIS website until now.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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