scholarly journals The Differing Revolutionary Positions of Gramsci and Trotsky in Relation to Classical Marxism, the Peasantry, and the Majority World

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Brittain

<p>While differing arguments are found within the discipline, the principal denominator uniting theories of Marxist revolution is that organized class-based struggle can consequentially result in a more equitable society, one which surpasses a capitalist mode of production. Augmenting Marx's work on the growing realities of the competitive capitalist system, Lenin highlighted that as capitalism expands it increasingly becomes a model not of competing capitalist producers but one of centralized economic monopolies within global society. With this political economic shift in global capitalism, Gramsci and Trotsky penned differing theoretical responses toward the importance of revolutionary tactics in an age of imperialism. It is in this vein that this article delves into the varied responses of permanent revolution and war of position/manoeuvre, while illustrating which theory most effectively demonstrates the capacity and emancipatory efforts of peoples located in countries outside of the imperial nations (i.e. the majority world).</p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (9) ◽  
pp. 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kohei Saito

Karl Marx has long been criticized for his so-called ecological "Prometheanism"&mdash;an extreme commitment to industrialism, irrespective of natural limits. This view, supported even by a number of Marxists, such as Ted Benton and Michael L&ouml;wy, has become increasingly hard to accept after a series of careful and stimulating analyses of the ecological dimensions of Marx's thought, elaborated in <em>Monthly Review</em> and elsewhere. The Prometheanism debate is not a mere philological issue, but a highly practical one, as capitalism faces environmental crises on a global scale, without any concrete solutions. Any such solutions will likely come from the various ecological movements emerging worldwide, some of which explicitly question the capitalist mode of production. Now more than ever, therefore, the rediscovery of a Marxian ecology is of great importance to the development of new forms of left strategy and struggle against global capitalism.&hellip; Yet there is hardly unambiguous agreement among leftists about the extent to which Marx's critique can provide a theoretical basis for these new ecological struggles.&hellip; This article&hellip; [takes] a different approach&hellip; [investigating] Marx's natural-scientific notebooks, especially those of 1868, which will be published for the first time in volume four, section eighteen of the new <em>Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe</em>(MEGA).<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-9" title="Vol. 67, No. 9: February 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Harvey

Abstract The gap between Marx’s theoretical writings on political economy (for example, the three volumes of Capital) and his historical writings (such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and The Civil War in France) arises out of certain limitations that Marx placed upon his political-economic enquiries. These limitations are outlined in the Grundrisse where Marx distinguishes between the universality of the metabolic relation to nature, the generality of the laws of motion of capital, the particularities of distribution and exchange, and the singularities of consumption. What an analysis of the content of Capital shows is that Marx largely confined his efforts to identifying the law-like character of production to the exclusion of all else. While this allowed him to identify certain laws of motion of capital within any form of the capitalist mode of production, it did not and could not constitute a total theory of a capitalist mode of production. A better understanding of what it is that Marx can do for us through his identification of the general laws of motion leads to a far better appreciation of what it is that we have to do for ourselves in order to make Marx’s theoretical findings applicable to particular conjunctural conditions, such as those that have arisen throughout the economic crisis that began in 2007.


Author(s):  
Roderick N. Labrador

This chapter uses the Filipino Community Center as the primary analytical site to suggest that through the physical building itself, Filipinos discursively construct identity territorializations that map out a collective sense of place and a sense of self along political economic and ideological coordinates. The Filipino Community Center represents overlapping architectures, a type of historical and political economic layering whereby the contemporary late capitalist, transnational world anchored to a multiculturalist ideology is built on top of the industrial plantation-based agri-capitalist system dependent on the racialization of its workers, which itself is constructed on top of an indigenous, communal land rights-based mode of production. In other words, the Filipino Community Center depends on the so-called “sakada story,” a narrative of development that positions indigeneity (represented as the Hawaiian past), racialization (depicted as the exploitation of Asian and Hawaiian labor during the plantation era), and multiculturalism (portrayed as the contemporary period of liberal inclusion in which the various racial and ethnic groups share power) in a linear historical progression that corresponds with changes in Hawaiʻi's political economy and modes of production. In this way, the completion of the Filipino Community Center embodies a settler Filipino developmental narrative in which Waipahu (and by extension, Hawaiʻi) is constructed and claimed as a Filipino “home”.


Author(s):  
Arthur K. Spears

This chapter contends that scholars of language and race have insufficiently attended to the constraints imposed by a pentad of forces that (re)produce racialized hierarchies. These macro-forces include the global capitalist system, the nation-state, political economic stratification, and other forms of socioeconomic inequality. It argues that racism in the United States emerges from the social inequality imposed by global capitalism and the hegemonic influence of institutionalized racism rationalized by ideologies of white supremacy. This emphasis on disclosing the basis for racialization and the deliberate construction and maintenance of racial hierarchies is a critical step in revealing and undermining the historical arc of racist thinking. The terror, violence, and brutality of these systems are not only the macro-contexts within which race and language are produced, but white supremacy comes to depend on the idea of race, and therefore, processes of racialization for its continued propagation.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Juliana Pedroso Bruns ◽  
Joel Haroldo Baade

<p class="Resumo">Este artigo objetiva realizar uma análise reflexiva acerca do modo de produção capitalista e como a organização curricular e as práticas educacionais vivenciadas nas escolas estão intimamente relacionadas com essa lógica. Considerando a importância de organizar uma proposta curricular que propicie a emancipação de sujeitos críticos e autônomos, diferente das concepções impostas pelo sistema capitalista. Para alcançar este objetivo realizou-se uma pesquisa qualitativa de caráter bibliográfico e exploratório. Para tal, utilizou-se de teóricos como Mészáros e Karl Marx, que dialogam sobre o capitalismo e suas consequências para a sociedade nas últimas décadas, apresentando uma contribuição singular sobre o papel da educação na construção de um outro mundo possível, já que o grande desafio que se impõe é o de se constituir uma educação que realize as transformações políticas, econômicas, culturais e sociais necessárias, capazes de romper com a lógica alienante do capital.</p><p class="Resumo"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Capitalismo. Contemporaneidade. Currículo escolar.</p><p class="Resumo" align="center"> </p><p class="Resumo" align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p class="Resumo">This article aims to carry out a reflexive analysis about the capitalist mode of production and how the curricular organization and the educational practices lived in the schools are closely related to this logic. Considering the importance of organizing a curricular proposal that favors the emancipation of critical and autonomous subjects, different from the conceptions imposed by the capitalist system. To achieve this goal a qualitative bibliographic research was carried out. For that, we used theorists such as Mészáros and Karl Marx who talk about capitalism and its consequences for society in the last decades, presenting us with a singular contribution on the role of education in the construction of another possible world, since the The great challenge that must be faced is to create an education that will bring about the necessary political, economic, cultural and social transformations that are capable of breaking with the alienating logic of capital.</p><p class="Resumo"><strong>Keywords:</strong> Capitalism. Contemporaneity. School curriculum.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-108
Author(s):  
Masdar Hilmy

This article attempts to provide a breakthrough which I call mode of production theory. This theory will be employed to analyze the contemporary phenomenon of radical Islamism. The mode of production theory is meant to bridge the two clashing theoretical paradigms in social sciences and humanities, i.e., Weberian and Marxian. Despite its bridging nature, the paper argues that the two cannot be merged within one single thread. This is because each paradigm has its own epistemological basis which is irreconcilable to one another. Mostly adapted from Marx’s theory, the current theory of the mode of production covers five interrelated aspects, namely social, political, economic, cultural, and symbolic structures. If Marx’s mode of production theory heavily relies on a material and economic basis, the theory used in this paper accommodates cultural and symbolic structures that are Weberian in nature. Although the two paradigms can operate together, the strength of structure (Marxian) overpowers the strength of culture (Weberian). This paper further argues that such cultural-based aspects as ideology, norms, and values play as mobilizing factors under a big schematic dominant structure in the rise and development of the radical Islamist groups.


Author(s):  
Louçã Francisco ◽  
Ash Michael

This book investigates two questions, how did finance become hegemonic in the capitalist system; and what are the social consequences of the rise of finance? We do not dwell on other topics, such as the evolution of the mode of production or the development of class conflict over the longer run. Our theme is not the genesis, history, dynamics, or contradictions of capitalism but, instead, we address the rise of financialization beginning in the last quarter of the twentieth century and continuing into the twenty-first century. Therefore, we investigate the transnationalization of the circuits and processes of capital accumulation that originated the expansion and financialization of the mechanisms of production, social reproduction, and hegemony, including the ideology, the functioning of the states, and the political decision making. We do not discuss the prevailing neoliberalism as an ideology, although we pay attention to the creation and diffusion of ideas, since we sketch an overview of the process of global restructuring of production and finance leading to the prevalence of the shadow economy....


Author(s):  
Paul Amar

This chapter offers a global history, as well as cultural, legal, and political–economic analysis, of “trafficking,” a set of relationships and processes often constituted as the dark mirror of globalization. First, the chapter traces how the term “trafficking” emerged. Second, it examines the evolution of “trafficking” in the context of “drug wars,” from the imperial Opium Wars in China in the early nineteenth century to the twenty-first-century “narco” battlegrounds of Mexico. Third, it surveys how global studies-related research has developed critical lenses for analyzing the politics of “sex trafficking” and “human trafficking.” Finally, it examines the term “trafficker” as selectively deployed along racial and social lines in ways that produce obscuring pseudo-analyses of the violence of global capitalism that preserve the impunity of certain powerful actors, create monstrous misrepresentations of globalizing forms of violence, and stir moral and racial panics on a global scale.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brenda Spotton Visano

This paper recounts a large class teaching process designed to encourage student critique, debate, and engagement. It focuses on an example of one in-class, small group exercise of negotiating ownership claims on a capital good and its output. The communal outcomes that students themselves negotiate contradict their prior taken-for-granted belief in the “rightness” of the capitalist mode of production and offer the class an opportunity to reflect on principles of fairness in resource distribution. JEL Classification: A13, A22, B51


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