scholarly journals VIOLÊNCIAS DO ESTADO E SEGURANÇA PÚBLICA EM MOÇAMBIQUE PÓS-INDEPENDÊNCIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 882
Author(s):  
Albino Massimaculo ◽  
Dijaci David Oliveira ◽  
Telma Ferreira do Nascimento Durães
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Social Tensions

Este artigo discute as práticas de violência do Estado em Moçambique. Enfatiza que desde a independência política alcançada em 1975 e posterior constituição do Estado moçambicano, os cidadãos têm questionado sobre o papel deste na segurança pública, assim como na garantia dos direitos humanos já que, em determinados momentos em que as tensões sociais se agudizam, este mesmo Estado,  por intermédio da polícia, utiliza a violência como meio para silenciá-las. Parte do pressuposto de que as diferentes práticas de violências e, particularmente, as violências do Estado têm assumido um protagonismo especial e, com ele, o agravamento do sentimento de insegurança pública. Para efetivação deste trabalho, recorreu(-se) a material bibliográfico Por fim, constata que o Estado moçambicano tem utilizado a violência como forma para reprimir essas tensões sociais.Palavras-chave: Moçambique. Segurança pública. Violência de Estado.VIOLENCE OF THE STATE AND PUBLIC SECURITY IN POST-INDEPENDENCE MOZAMBIQUEAbstractThis article, intends to discuss the practices of State violence in Mozambique. Since the political independence achieved in 1975 and the subsequent constitution of the Mozambican State, citizens have questioned its role in public security, as well as in the guarantee of human rights, since, at certain times when social tensions become more acute, this same State, through the police, uses violence as a means of silencing them. It starts from the assumption that the different practices of violence and, particularly, the violence of the State have assumed a special role and with it the aggravation of the feeling ofpublic insecurity. For the effectiveness of this work, bibliographic material of specialist authors on violence and works on the situation of public security in Mozambique from political independence to the present were used. Finally, it shows that the Mozambican State has used violence as a way to repress these social tensions.Keywords: Mozambique. Public security. State violence.

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

DEFINITION OF THE PUBLIC SECURITY AND ORDERLINESS ENSURING MECHANISM IN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 155-163
Author(s):  
Marina Aleksandrovna Kalievskaya
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
State Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Public Security ◽  
National Priority ◽  
Institu Tions ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Definition Of

In this article, a model of the mechanism of ensuring public security and orderliness in accordance with the principles and tasks of the relevant institu- tions in public administration, taking into account resources, technologies, mea- sures for the state policy implementation in the spheres of ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order. It was found that ensuring public security and order in Ukraine is a mechanism for the implementation of national goals of state policy in the areas of ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order, by defining tasks according to certain principles. The idea is that if one considers the state policy in the spheres of ensuring the protec- tion of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combat- ing crime, maintaining public security and order as a national priority (purpose, task), then the mechanism of ensuring public security and order in Ukraine needs coordination with the state development strategy. From the point of view of the implementation of the state policy in the areas of ensuring the protection of hu- man rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order, the mechanism of ensuring public security and order in Ukraine can be considered as the main system providing intercon- nection such elements as institutions (implementing the specified state policy), resources (human resources, logistical, natural and so on, with the help of which it is possible to implement state policy), technologies (skills, knowledge, means and so on the implementation of state policy), measures (action plans), as well as external (internal) threats.

scholarly journals The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Kolarzik ◽  
◽  
Aram Terzyan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Political Freedoms

The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.

scholarly journals PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM ATAS HAK POLITIK PEREMPUAN OLEH NEGARA

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yosefina Daku
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
The Law

As the law states, Indonesia  provide the protection of the rights for of all people without the discrimination. By the basis of the mandate of the Preamble to the Constitution of 1945 that "a just and civilized humanity," the Indonesian state guarantees of a society that is fair. Political rights granted by the country with regard to discrimination is legal protection by the state against women's political rights. By participating in the convention and recognized in the form of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, an attempt by the state to remove the problems in realizing the equality of women and men. Therefore  the  problem  that  can  formulated are: 1) how the legal protection of women's political rights in Indonesia? 2) how the implementation of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Related Political Rights of Women?. The purpose of this study was to examine the legal protection by the state against the ful fillment of women's political rights in Indonesia and the implementation of protection of women's political rights pursuant of Law Number7 Year of 1984. This research is a normative law. The technique used in this research is to use the concept approach and statutory approach to reviewing the legislations and legal literatures. Rights protection as a form of justice for each person more specifically regulated in Law about Human Rights. Protection of the rights granted to women by the state including the protection of the political field regulated in some provisions of other legislation. By removing discrimination against women in it’s implementation still look at the culture and customs which is certainly not easy to do and the state is obliged to realize the objectives of the convention

scholarly journals Reception of Antiquity through Flemish Tapestries of the 15th–16th Centuries (Based on the Collection of the State Hermitage Museum)

2020 ◽  
Vol 162 (6) ◽  
pp. 74-85
Author(s):  
M.A. Manokhina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Fine Arts ◽  
Research Field ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Art Form ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
The One ◽  
High Social Status

The problem of reception of the antiquity through tapestries in the Russian historiography was considered. Using as an example the Flemish tapestries of the 15th–16th centuries from the Collection of the State Hermitage Museum, the transformation and popularity of ancient motifs in this art form were demonstrated, as well as their special role in the propaganda of power, high social status, and wealth. The following main elements of tapestries were analyzed: subjects, characters, costumes, and Latin banderoles. The methodology of tapestry analysis is similar to the one used by structuralists: an additional link (customer) is introduced in the author – text – reader research field. The subjects of the tapestries were compared with the plots of the corresponding ancient literary sources. As a result, it was concluded about different perception of the antiquity in the literature and fine arts. Tapestries reflect the attitude of customers to the political reality of that time. The Northern Renaissance and how it was influenced by the ideas of humanists embodied in the tapestries was discussed.

scholarly journals SOME FEATURES OF NEOPATRIMONIAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Role Of The State

The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.

scholarly journals RESTRICTIONS OF THE POLITICAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS: REGULATORY GROUNDS, MECHANISM OF IMPLEMENTATION

2020 ◽  
pp. 18-24
Author(s):  
O. Kosilova
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
General Nature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Process Implementation ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Right

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.

The Dynamics of Coercion in the Malaysian Political Process

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Barraclough
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Direct Bearing ◽  
Control And Management

The study of coercion and how it is applied within a political system is useful for a number of reasons. As a strategy of control and management it is in itself worthy of investigation. Moreover, an examination of how coercion is applied can tell us much about the nature of a particular polity. Indeed, as Weber emphasized, the state itself is distinguished from other political systems to the extent that it successfully upholds the claim to the legitimate application of force. The willingness of a regime to use coercion against opponents or dissidents, or to regulate the political participation of the ordinary citizenry, has a direct bearing upon such questions as human rights, democratic values, authoritarianism, and the degree of consensus within a given polity.

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