The Dynamics of Coercion in the Malaysian Political Process

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Barraclough

The study of coercion and how it is applied within a political system is useful for a number of reasons. As a strategy of control and management it is in itself worthy of investigation. Moreover, an examination of how coercion is applied can tell us much about the nature of a particular polity. Indeed, as Weber emphasized, the state itself is distinguished from other political systems to the extent that it successfully upholds the claim to the legitimate application of force. The willingness of a regime to use coercion against opponents or dissidents, or to regulate the political participation of the ordinary citizenry, has a direct bearing upon such questions as human rights, democratic values, authoritarianism, and the degree of consensus within a given polity.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2018 ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bielawska

The paper presents the political system of the Greek poleis between the 8th century BC and 2nd century AD. It analyzes the standpoints of ancient thinkers and poets from the point of view of the development of studies on the state, the manner of its description, the approach to its tasks and the limitations imposed on the state, as well as how political systems were defined, perceived and transformed, aiming towards democracy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg Rafalskiy ◽  
Zoreslav Samchuk ◽  
Ivan Leontiev ◽  
Oleg Kondratenko ◽  
Galyna Zelenko ◽  
...  

The articles included in the collection cover the most important issues of Ukraine's political development since independence. The problems connected with the choice of the general strategic course of the state, with the transformation of the socio-political system, with the ethno-political and spiritual evolution of the Ukrainian society are considered. For scientists, teachers, students, for everyone who pay attention to the problems of national development.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Henn ◽  
Mark Weinstein ◽  
Sarah Hodgkinson

Only 37 per cent of young people voted at the 2005 British General Election, seemingly confirming the oft-cited view that this generation is becoming increasingly disconnected from the political process. Results from a nationwide survey, however, indicate that their withdrawal from formal politics is more a result of their scepticism of the way the political system operates, than apathy. Furthermore, they are diverse in their political (dis)engagement. Results from an examination of the relative effects of socio-economic location and social capital are inconclusive, although the data indicate that government social policy aimed at mobilising social capital and addressing socio-economic issues may increase civic engagement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sokół

The aim of the study is to compare selected elements of the political systems of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine in both structural and functional terms. The subject of the study is the genesis and direction of systemic changes, the specifi city of governmental systems, mechanisms of political rivalry and its main actors, i.e. political parties. The analysis shows that systemic solutions in Poland were characterised by greater stability, attachment to the principles of the rule of law and democratic values. In the political system of Ukraine there was quite a large dynamic of change in this area. These changes were instrumental to a greater degree than in Poland and subordinated to preferences that were dominant in particular periods.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 243-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. Henry

Prior to December 2011, instances of widespread collective mobilization were relatively rare in contemporary Russia. Russian citizens are more likely to engage in a different means of airing grievances: making an official complaint to the authorities. This article considers how complaint-making, as a variety of political participation, may contribute either to authoritarian resilience or to political liberalization. The political significance of complaints made to the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Russian Federation is examined. Since it is the broader political context that shapes the significance of complaints, in the absence of meaningful elections individualized appeals to the state are unlikely to promote democratic change, although they may allow for redress of individual rights violations.


2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Lawrence Broz

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ in transparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems are substitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhad Hassan Abdullah ◽  
Hawre Hasan Hama

The Kurdistan region of Iraq has a substantial number of the customary signs of political system, including the various main branches of the state institutions such as executive, courts, and assembly. Since 1991, the Region has established as certain political system that adheres to a commonly acknowledged type of system of government. Some contend that the political system in the region is a presidential system, however with parliament having had the ability to vote the President in or out for quite a while. Political division, explicitly between the political parties, has ended up being a veritable obstruction to the political advancement and strength of the Region and to concocting a bound together type of political system. The region has suffered from lack of constitution; this has caused political conflicts over the law of the presidency of the region and the ways of electing the President. Therefore, when Barzani's presidency term ended in August 2015, the political parties except the KDP attempted to amend the presidential law and make another law to elect the president inside the parliament until writing the constitution for the Region in which the political parties can agree on the form of the political system and the way of electing the President. This article contends that there is a connection between the nature and structure of the political parties and the political systems that have been proposed as a ruling model for the region. The article also concludes by identifying potential systems of government available to the KRI and the potential consequences of each.


1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd. A. Nawawi

Like most developing countries, the Philippines before the imposition of martial law towards the end of 1972 was characterized by the fact that the majority of her population, living in the small towns and the countryside, were actually peripheral to the national polity. The political process was largely concerned with the intra-elite conflicts and manoeuvrings. As the government did not derive the bulk of its revenue from the income and resources of the mass of the citizenry, the political system functioned mainly as a giant system of patronage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 131-140
Author(s):  
M.S. KABATSKY ◽  

The article discusses the concept of political scenarios that can be applied to identify the prospects for the development of European parliamentary monarchies. A detailed typology of political scenarios is proposed, as well as their influence on both European parliamentary monarchies and the European political process is established. The proposed classification considers political scenarios that may arise in parliamentary and non-parliamentary monarchies, as well as in republics, including scenarios for the development and preservation of a parliamentary monarchy, or its weakening, abolition or transition to a different kind of monarchy, as well as scenarios of a potential transition to a parliamentary monarchy, restoration or proclamation. All the described political scenarios are included in the groups of main or reserve scenarios, depending on the political probability of their occurrence. The proposed political scenarios are illustrated with historical and contemporary examples founded on the research of political systems and political institutions of European states. The developed classification of political scenarios reflects the versatility and multi-vector of the variants of the evolution of the parliamentary monarchy in modern time, and covers all potential paths of transformation, which makes it possible to use this classification in political research aimed at studying European parliamentary monarchies, as well as political forecasting of the state of this form of government in the foreseeable the future.


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