scholarly journals Energy Security and Multilateral Regional Cooperation in Northeast Asia: Implication for Russia-North Korea-South Korea Gas Pipeline Project

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 247-278
Author(s):  
Beom-Shik Shin
Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 1895
Author(s):  
Yusin Lee

This study analyzes the political viability of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline project. This analysis demonstrates that North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January 2016 changed the dynamic of the project. Before the test, when inter-Korean relations were good, South Korea and Russia could make efforts to secure political support for the project. However, after the fourth nuclear test, this was no longer the case. As North Korea’s nuclear power status became more evident, this nuclear problem began to have profound implications for U.S. security. In response, Washington not only led the UN Security Council to impose very severe sanctions against North Korea, but also placed its own sanctions on the country. These sanctions began to contain provisions that could prevent the implementation of the pipeline project. In addition to these sanctions, the U.S. sanctions against Russia in 2017 over its intervention in the U.S. election and aggression against Ukraine also contained clauses that could hamper it. Therefore, unless the U.S. lifts or eases all of these sanctions, South Korea and Russia are unwilling to take any concrete actions to secure political support for the RNS pipeline project. Based on this analysis, this paper argues that the U.S. now holds the most important key to its political viability.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 584-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusin Lee

This paper analyzes the potential risks of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline, comparing it with the Russia-Ukraine-Europe (RUE) pipeline. I argue that the possibility of disputes is much higher in the RNS case. Furthermore, I propose that the South Korean government opt to import liquefied natural gas by ship directly from Russia if contingency plans in the case of gas supply disruptions in the RNS pipeline are not available.


Author(s):  
G. D. Toloraya

The importance of Korean Peninsula in Russian foreign strategy is based on the need to preserve peace and stability in the Russia's Far East "soft underbelly" and to be a part of international efforts to solve the Korean problem, as well as to promote regional economic cooperation. In 1990-s Russia's position on the peninsula weakened, mainly because of the rupture of ties with North Korea, while relations with South Korea were reactive in nature. Rebalancing relations with the two Koreas in 2000-s increased Russia's involvement into Korean settlement, including the 6- party format. Russia/s relations with North Korea are now based on good neighborhood principle, however, they are far from idyllic as Russia disapproves of Pyongyang's behavior, especially its nuclear and missile activities. However to influence the situation more Russia should deepen its ties with the current Pyongyang leadership regardless of how irritating its behavior might be. Relations with the ROK are aimed at becoming strategic, but in reality are limited due to ROK's alliance with the USA. However South Korea has become the third most important economic partner in Asia. Russia is especially interested in three- party projects, such as Trans-Korean railroad (linked to Transsiberan transit way), gas pipeline and electricity grid. However implementation of these project is negatively influenced by the tensions in Korean peninsula. It can be solved only by multilateral efforts for comprehensive solution combining security guarantees for North Korea and its abandonment of nuclear option.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sung-Joo Han

The historic June 2000 summit and subsequent exchanges between North and South Korea have added a new dimension to not only South-North Korean relations but also the situation in Northeast Asia as a whole. On one hand, the thawing South- North Korean relations has generated great optimism among those who see it as an irrefutable sign of North Korea's intention to join the rest of the world as a constructive player. At the other extreme, it is seen as a deceptive, if not desperate, act on the part of North Korea to reap economic gains and lower the guard of South Korea and its allies, principally the United States. Perhaps a more realistic assessment lies somewhere between these polar analyses.


Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert Rozman ◽  
Noah Rozman

The fallout from September 11 continued to recast U.S. relations with both Southeast and Northeast Asia. Alarm over Islamic terrorist groups such as the perpetrators of the Bali disco bombing and development of nuclear weapons by North Korea eclipsed concern with China's relentless rise and Japan's deepening economic morass. The Bush administration looked to the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to root out conspiratorial cells, and to South Korea, Japan, China, and Russia to pressure Pyongyang. After Bush branded North Korea as part of the "axis of evil," a conciliatory tone prevailed toward all who could help in containing the nation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-98
Author(s):  
Rahmadha Akbar Syah ◽  
Zaki Khudzaifi Mahmud

To improve connectivity and energy security, especially natural gas, Southeast Asian countries, under the cooperation of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are trying to build a gas pipeline that stretches from Indonesia to Myanmar. The project is called the Trans ASEAN Gas Pipeline (TAGP) under the ASEAN Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation (APAEC) scheme. However, regional countries are still dealing with their domestic problems, and there are fears that TAGP is detrimental to producer countries, resulting in the delay of this project as much by as four years – from 2020 to 2024. The uncertainty of the TAGP project further emphasizes that there is a tendency for countries not to adhere to the ASEAN forum’s agreements. Especially if it has to be juxtaposed with the Russian Gas Pipeline project which was built to distribute natural gas to Western European countries, TAGP is still far behind. In designing this paper, the authors use qualitative methods through literature studies by referring to the realism approach of International Relations to dissect TAGP problems. Furthermore, the author also feels the need to accommodate the neorealism approach to be used as a supportive approach in looking at the issues of disobedience in regional countries in supporting the TAGP scheme. Also, the authors conducted a brief comparison between TAGP and the Russian Gas Pipeline to be used as a case study analysis material that would later provide answers of why TAGP failed to go as planned.Keywords: realism, neorealism, TAGP, Russian Gas Pipeline


Significance The deal has economic and geostrategic implications for Pakistan. Islamabad hopes to revive its long-stalled gas pipeline project with Iran and create investment opportunities for firms on either side of the border. However, it is concerned about further upsetting Saudi Arabia and Iran's cooperation with India. Zarif is visiting Delhi today. Impacts Probable decline in US aid to Pakistan post-2015 will increase the latter's dependence on Saudi aid. China will increase investment in Pakistan, but avoid close entanglement with Pakistan's political problems. Improvements in India-Pakistan ties are unlikely for now, undercutting prospects for regional cooperation on Afghanistan.


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