scholarly journals The America Economic Crisis Of 2009/2010: Three Pillars Of American Strength That Will Lead To Recovery

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Provitera ◽  
Michael P. Lambert ◽  
Maggie F. Neira
Keyword(s):  
American Revolution ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Natural Right ◽  
The People ◽  
Civil Order ◽  
The Military ◽  
Negative Connotation

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt; mso-pagination: none;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The notion of the Fall of the American Empire (Wojtowicz, 1993) is equivalent to the Peter Principal in that positive realization will always prevail over the negative perspective. Wojtowicz (1993) contends that Isaac Asimov wrote his foundation stories to show that every empire, even the most powerful one, has to fall eventually. Lawrence Peter (1984), an educator and hierarchiologist, argued that each manager will rise to the level in which he or she will fail. <span style="color: black;">Inevitably</span>, the Peter Principal failed because it placed a negative connotation on managerial growth. The same thing holds true with the Failure of the American Empire. America cannot fail because while there are many foundations of strength that has held America together since the American Revolution, there are three pillars that will help America continue to prosper. The three pillars are the strength of the military, the excellent education system, and the spirit of democracy that has led to capitalism. The spirit of democracy as Abraham Lincoln exemplifies as &ldquo;A government of people, by the people, for the people,&rdquo; has kept America vibrant and open for people to rise to the highest office in the free world (Powell and Powell, 1918). In the philosophical Age of Enlightenment, John Locke, a puritan in the England of Cromwell, put forth a new civil order: law based on reason, a government deriving its power from the governed, liberty to pursue individual goals as a natural right, and private property and its use in the pursuit of happiness (Wren and Bedian, 2009). These four ideas provide the bases of how our founders designed the America of today. This paper provides an overview of the three pillars that will influence the economic recovery of America in a positive way.</span></span></p>

Natural Law Republicanism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley
Keyword(s):  
Natural Law ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
John Adams ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Hugo Grotius ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Individual

By any metric, Cicero’s works are some of the most widely read in the history of Western thought. This book suggests that perhaps Cicero’s most lasting and significant contribution to philosophy lies in helping to inspire the development of liberalism. Individual rights, the protection of private property, and political legitimacy based on the consent of the governed are often taken to be among early modern liberalism’s unique innovations and part of its rebellion against classical thought. However, this book demonstrates that Cicero’s thought played a central role in shaping and inspiring the liberal republican project. Cicero argued that liberty for individuals could arise only in a res publica in which the claims of the people to be sovereign were somehow united with a commitment to universal moral law, which limits what the people can rightfully do. Figures such as Hugo Grotius, John Locke, and John Adams sought to work through the tensions in Cicero’s vision, laying the groundwork for a theory of politics in which the freedom of the individual and the people’s collective right to rule were mediated by natural law. This book traces the development of this intellectual tradition from Cicero’s original articulation through the American founding. It concludes by exploring how modern political ideas remain dependent on the conception of just politics first elaborated by Rome’s great philosopher-statesman.

scholarly journals John Locke: Educação para a tolerância religiosa

Horizontes ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 09
Author(s):  
Gustavo Araújo Batista
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Religious Diversity ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Religious Tolerance ◽  
Natural Right ◽  
Individual Consciousness ◽  
Civil Order ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
British Philosopher

ResumoO pensamento de John Locke (1632-1704) sobre tolerância religiosa encontra-se, especificamente, embora não exclusivamente, em suas Cartas sobre tolerância. O objetivo desta pesquisa teórica é demonstrar a aplicabilidade educacional de alguns dos seus argumentos aduzidos nas referidas obras, em prol do direito de expressão de crença. A história tem demonstrado que a intolerância é algo a que a humanidade, independentemente da época e do lugar, está constantemente sujeita; por isso, a justificativa deste trabalho repousa sobre a necessidade que a educação tem de tratar do respeito pelas escolhas pessoais, no tocante àquilo em que desejam acreditar, uma vez que isso faz parte da sua liberdade individual, a qual, por sua vez, é um direito natural, sob a perspectiva lockeana. Como resultado desta pesquisa teórica ou bibliográfica, tem-se que, conforme o pensamento lockeano, educar para a tolerância religiosa, é algo que tanto se refere ao respeito pela consciência individual quanto ao zelo pela estabilidade social, uma vez que a opção por determinada religião é uma questão de foro íntimo, assim como a perturbação da ordem civil não se legitima pela coerção promovida por facções devotadas à prevalência de suas ideias sob as mais variadas formas de violência. Perante à premência de lidar-se com a diversidade religiosa, presente na contemporaneidade, as ideias do filósofo britânico ainda permanecem válidas como matéria de reflexão para se discutir a liberdade de fé.Palavras-chave: Educação; John Locke; Religião; Sociedade; Tolerância.John Locke: Education for religious toleranceAbstractJohn Locke’s (1632-1704) thought about religious tolerance takes place, especially, although not exclusively, into his Letters on toleration. The aim of this research is to demonstrate educational applicability of some of his arguments shown in those referred works in favor of right of faith expression. History has shown that intolerance is something to which mankind, independently from age and place, is constantly submitted; thus, the justification of this work is based on the necessity of education has to deal with the respect for personal choices, concerning what they desire to believe, because this is part of their individual freedom, which, hence, is a natural right, under Locke’s perspective. As result of this theoretical or bibliographical research, one has that, according to Locke’s thought, educating for religious tolerance is something that refers both to respect for individual consciousness either to zeal for social stability, because the option for some religion is a question of private forum, as well as perturbation of civil order does not legitimate by coercion promoted by factions devoted to prevalence of their ideas under the most several forms of violence. In relation to the urgency of dealing with religious diversity, nowadays, the ideas of the British philosopher still stay valued as matter for reflection in order to discuss faith freedom.Keywords: Education; John Locke; Religion; Society; Tolerance.

Political Community in Revolutionary Pennsylvania, 1774-1800

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen
Keyword(s):  
American Revolution ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Early American ◽  
The People ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
Popular Mobilization

Political Community in Revolutionary Pennsylvania challenges the ways we understand popular sovereignty in the American Revolution, demonstrating how ordinary citizens wielded significant political power. Previous histories place undue focus on either elite political thought or class analysis; on the contrary, citizens cared most about the establishment of a representative, publicly legitimate political process. Popular activism constrained leaders, creating a system through which governmental actions were made more representative of the will of the community. This book analyzes developments in Pennsylvania from 1774, and the passage of the Intolerable Acts, through to 1800 and the election of Thomas Jefferson. It examines the animating philosophy of the Pennsylvania state constitution of 1776, a “radical manifesto” espousing a vision of popular sovereignty in which government was devolved from the people only where necessary. The legitimacy of governmental institutions rested on their demonstration that they operated through popular consent, expressed in a variety of forms of popular mobilization. This book examines how early Americans interacted with the power structures shaping the world in which they lived, recasting the nature of the American Revolution and illuminating the origins of modern American political practice. It investigates how political mobilization operated inside and outside formal channels of government. Mechanisms of popular mobilization helped a diverse population mediate with governmental institutions, providing the foundation of early American power. Histories that ignore this relationship miss one of the most significant founding characteristics of the United States—the importance of popular politics and democratic practice in the establishment of American government.

The State versus the People

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
State Control ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
The Military

This book provides the first detailed account of the role of revolutionary justice in the early Soviet state. Law has often been dismissed by historians as either unimportant after the October Revolution amid the violence and chaos of civil war or even, in the absence of written codes and independent judges, little more than another means of violence. This is particularly true of the most revolutionary aspect of the new justice system, revolutionary tribunals—courts inspired by the French Revolution and established to target counter-revolutionary enemies. This book paints a more complex picture. The Bolsheviks invested a great deal of effort and scarce resources into building an extensive system of tribunals that spread across the country, including into the military and the transport network. At their peak, hundreds of tribunals heard hundreds of thousands of cases every year. Not all ended in harsh sentences: some were dismissed through lack of evidence; others given a wide range of sentences; others still suspended sentences; and instances of early release and amnesty were common. This book, therefore, argues that law played a distinct and multifaceted role for the Bolsheviks. Tribunals stood at the intersection between law and violence, offering various advantages to the Bolsheviks, not least strengthening state control, providing a more effective means of educating the population on counter-revolution, and enabling a more flexible approach to the state’s enemies. All of this adds to our understanding of the early Soviet state and, ultimately, of how the Bolsheviks held on to power.

scholarly journals Jan Sobieski’s latifundium and the soldiers (1652-1696)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
The People ◽  
Actual Strength ◽  
The Military

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.

Recent Changes in German Governmental Organization

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Governmental Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Regional Labor ◽  
Economic Regions ◽  
The Military ◽  
Delegation Of Powers ◽  
Dominant Part

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”

Exile and the Republic: Thomas McGrath and the Legacy of Jefferson's America

Prospects ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
David Haven Blake
Keyword(s):  
American Revolution ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Modernist Poetry ◽  
Self Reliance ◽  
Thomas Mcgrath ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Many ◽  
Usable Past ◽  
Willful Defiance

Of the many authorities Thomas McGrath rejected during his life, one of the most significant was the American Revolution, for his work explicitly questions the founders as a source of aesthetic and political creativity. “The National Past has its houses,” he writes in Letter to an Imaginary Friend, “but their fires have long gone out!” From his pronouncing the death of Virginia's deified presidents to his condemnation of the “local colorist” hunting for patriotic “HEADwaters” by which to camp, the poet's renunciation of the “false Past” amounts to a coherent commentary on the relations between American politics and modernist poetry (Letter, 315). E. P. Thompson has remarked in paving homage to his friend that “McGrath is a poet of alienation…. His trajectory has been that of willful defiance … At every point when the applause – anyone's applause, even the applause of the alienated – seemed about to salute him, he has taken a jagged fork to a wilderness of his own making.” Although his language strongly recalls that of Emerson's “Self-Reliance,” Thompson views McGrath as more than a romantic individualist. McGrath's alienation was not simply the estrangement that Marx saw afflicting all of capitalist society, nor was it a momentarily fashionable pose; rather, it was a calculated and thorough opposition to what Thompson calls “official culture” and its destruction of political, historical, and literary values. McGrath's refusal to make a “usable past” out of the American Revolution participates in this general defiance of “official culture,” as his work insistently reminds us that among the regular patrons of Monticello and Mt. Vernon were the many establishment poets well entrenched in bourgeois universities. In defying modernism's efforts to renovate the 18th century, McGrath makes a wilderness of his own, a wilderness which grows in opposition to the wellplowed fields of American empire.

scholarly journals Traversing Disability Stigma: Re-presenting 'Disability' as a form of 'Identity' in Victor Hugo's the Hunchback of Notre- Dame

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 3590-3592
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Human Mind ◽  
Victor Hugo ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Social Construct ◽  
The People ◽  
Disability Stigma ◽  
The Disabled ◽  
Normal Human ◽  
Negative Connotation

“Disability is a matter of perception. If you can do one thing well, you are needed by someone” – Martina Navratilova. Though Disability Studies focused on the distinction between „impairment‟ and „disability‟ defining Disability as a social construct, we still perceive Disability as something abnormal, drifting from the normality, an impairment to human mind or body. This paper reflects on how Quasimodo, attains an Identity in the society with his disability of hunchback and deafness in Victor Hugo‟s The Hunchback of Notre - Dame. He was crowned as the “Pope of Fools” for being the ugliest person in Paris. Though the identity he gained had a negative connotation, it was his disability that made him known among the people. The deflection from normality – his hunchback made people recognize him. This paper reveals how a disabled person is perceived by the society and the struggles he faces for his survival living among the people who are ready to use him and exploit him for their personal gains and finally leaving him in the crisis with a preoccupied notion that the disabled deserve only such kind of treatment. The character Quasimodo is a living example that a disabled person also possesses the same feelings like love, care, happiness, lust etc. just like a normal human being do and how these feelings are restricted for him. This paper also evaluates the Disability Stigma working on the character Quasimodo making him stereotyped, discriminated, blamed, internalized and made victim of physical, mental and sexual violence

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