Recent Changes in German Governmental Organization

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”

Revista Labor ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (18) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Eneas de Araújo Arrais Neto

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar os edifícios sedes dos órgãos públicos federais construídos na cidade de Fortaleza durante os anos de vigência do “Regime Militar”. Parte da compreensão de que a arquitetura, enquanto objeto de fruição coletiva, assume o papel de meio de comunicação de massa no espaço urbano e, como tal, foi um dos instrumentos de divulgação ideológica dos governos militares dirigidos aos setores sociais urbanos; veiculando principalmente idéias de modernização, desenvolvimento, racionalidade, onipotência do poder estatal e autoritarismo. Analisa igualmente as influências, neste processo, da cultura de classe do setor burocrático-estatal, e propõe que estas edificações, ao estabelecerem novos padrões estéticos e de utilização de materiais e equipamentos de procedência tecnológica estrangeira, se constituíram em elementos importantes do processo de abertura da economia nacional ao capital multinacional, em particular no que diz respeito ao mercado da construção civil.Abstract This paper presents the arquitectural critique of a specific group of edifications built in the city of Fortaleza during the period of the military governments in Brazil. The character of the architecture developed by the military government in public buildings in this period is common all over the country: the facilities were built to with the intention to occupy the cities as out-doors of the military governments, diffusing images of modernization, rationality, economic development and the power of the state.   Through the use of architectural language, by the means of design, project, materials, forms and other ways, the architecture of the public sector played the role of ideology, besides introducing imported materials and equipment previously unused in the building sector of the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
Malsawmi Pachuau

Local government plays an integral part in the mechanism of Disaster Management in Mizoram. The local bodies are the direct representatives of the local community and the local community places their full trust in them. Post disaster measures such as mock drills, training of search and rescue teams, physical and economic relief and rehabilitation are not something new to us, yet the aspect of disaster mitigation is something which has not bred familiarity among the Mizos. The need for sensitization of the public on the importance of Disaster Mitigation is a necessity. The saying ‘Earthquakes do not kill people; buildings do’ is pertinent in urban areas. Urban areas are congested and more prone to disasters. High rise buildings, squatter settlements due to high densities and low availability of land has endangered not just the lives of the public but has also caused a massive disturbance of the ecological system. The paper covers certain Acts and Regulations of the Aizawl Municipal Corporation dealing with structural mitigation and the detection of illegal construction, unsafe buildings, and encroachments on municipal and public properties. At the local level, the councillors are involved in making, unmaking and carrying out these rules and regulations, with direct bearing on the local people. The paper also gives an account of the need of reimplementation to generate awareness, knowledge and education on Disaster Management to the people of Mizoram.


2020 ◽  
pp. 74-89
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short

Initial landings and primary encounters with Okinawan civilians required careful vigilance and judicious evaluations of the potential of the population to fight. Exercising caution in order to minimize unnecessary risks to operational secrets and American lives, military government units assigned to Army combat units initially worked under guidance that resulted in intense security measures aimed to firmly control civilian movement. As the battle expanded inland by early summer, however, the possibility of the people acting violently toward the soldiers seemed less likely. Acting under orders that allowed the soldiers to determine the intentions of the civilians upon landing, soldiers, finding a cooperative, obedient population, offered charity and extended goodwill to the Okinawans. Gradually, the military government units assigned to U.S. Army combat units relaxed their strict parameters.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Saimbel Barcson

The 1995 local-level government reforms undertaken in Papua New Guinea (PNG) were largely in response to increasing concern that the public service was failing in its responsibility towards the people.  As a result, the 1995 Organic Law on Provincial and Local Governments (OLPLLG) was established.  The prime purpose of this was to address this issue through deeper engagement of the lower levels of government, particularly local-level governments (LLGs). Almost two decades on, poor socio-economic conditions and deterioration in infrastructure/services suggest that the proposed change has not materialised.  The purpose of this paper is to address the question of whether the lower tiers of government are capable of implementing the development plans under the reforms.  The paper finds that the 1995 reforms have made LLGs dependent upon their Joint District Planning and Budget Priorities Committee (JDP & BPC) and their district administration, which have become the main impediment to local government effectiveness.  This in turn has greatly hindered LLG capacity and has reinforced unequal relations, rather than assisting service delivery in PNG.  There is therefore a need to make LLGs more effective players.


1933 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
E. I. Johnston

Greek history began with the epic and genealogical writers like Homer and Hesiod; Herodotus followed with his prose epic of the Persian Wars. Greek history became scientific and critical with Thucydides but did not remain so after him: from Xenophon onwards it lapsed into rhetoric and romance. Roman historians followed Greek principles and methods, and the earliest wrote in Greek. Polybius alone cared much for scientific criticism in his work; the rest held, with Cicero, that history is a branch of the art of rhetoric. Livy and Tacitus produced works of great literary merit at the expense of historical accuracy. Julius Caesar's account of his conquest of Gaul was the military report of a general written to the people who had given him his commission, to justify his unconstitutional action in conquering Gaul without instructions. These are only the foremost names, but of all Greek and Roman historians only Thucydides and Polybius used in writing the scientific and critical standards of modern historians. The others wrote to please the public taste for rhetoric, to grind some axe, to edify their readers, to relate anecdotes, to praise or blame, to express personal opinions, to display their literary powers, to make digressions, and not many were saved by literary skill from the mediocrity to which their critical weakness doomed them.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-123
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short

Consistent with the Marines’ lack of emphasis during pre-battle preparations on comprehensive planning for the large civilian population, the Marines relegated concerns for the people to the lowest priority. Never wavering in their belief that the Okinawans stood as definitive enemy, the military government units attached to Marine combat units postponed the establishment of functioning refugee camps. Civilians travelled unfettered throughout the battlefield, obstructing both the operational and military government missions. Attacks staged from within the camps by infiltrating Japanese caused the Marines to associate the civilian population with the violent acts and confirm the Marines steadfast belief that the Okinawans meant harm as enemy. As a result, the Marines carried out their military government duties with an element of harshness absent from the Army camps from their very inception.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eli Elinoff

In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Zin

This paper argues that since at least the mid 1980s, there has been an observable negative attitude among the people of Burma against the Chinese. Such sentiment is not just transient public opinion, but an attitude. The author measures it by studying contemporary cultural and media works as found in legally published expressions, so as to exclude any material rejected by the regime's censors. The causes of such sentiment are various: massive Chinese migration and purchases of real estate (especially in Upper Burma), Chinese money that is inflating the cost of everything, and cultural “intrusion.” The sentiment extends to the military, as well: the article examines a dozen memoirs of former military generals and finds that Burma's generals do not trust the Chinese, a legacy of China's interference in Burma's civil war until the 1980s. The public outcry over the Myitsone dam issue, however, was the most significant expression of such sentiment since 1969, when anti-Chinese riots broke out in Burma. The relaxation of media restrictions under the new government has allowed this expression to gather steam and spread throughout the country, especially in private weekly journals that are becoming more outspoken and daring in pushing the boundaries of the state's restrictions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Sulistianawati Sulistianawati

ABSTRAKPribumi subaltern menjadi subjek nyata adanya gejolak penindasan oleh serdadu pemerintah dan gerakan bawah tanah dalam situasi Aceh yang telah beralih menjadi Daerah Operasi Mililiter. Tujuan penelitian ini mendeskripsikan penyalahgunaan tahta tertinggi, adanya pemberontakan gerakan bawah tanah sebagai bentuk perlawanan, dampaknya bagi kaum subaltern seperti pelecehan seksual, mentalitas down, dan dimiskinkan. Data diperoleh dengan teknik pustaka dari sumber tertulis berupa kata dan kalimat dalam novel kemudian dianalisis dengan metode analisa deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan dominasi kekuasaan penguasa superior yang menduduki tahta tertinggi, dua bentuk perlawanan berupa caci maki serta aksi pemberontakan, dan dampaknya bagi subaltern begitu signifikan memunculkan keterpurukan, semakin merajalela pelecehan seksual, mentalitas down akhirnya termiskinkan. Pada akhirnya subaltern semakin lemah, ketakutan dan tak berdaya. Adanya persekutuan pemberontak sebagai akibat mentalitas era kolonial yang masih menjarah pemikiran masyarakat. Pada dasarnya penjajahlah yang menjadi cikal bakal adanya teroris dan pemberontakan. Penelitian ini diharapkan memberikan sumbangsih untuk mendukung kebijakan pemerintah mendisiplinkan politik agar tidak mengalami carut-marut. Serta menjadi pengingat bagi masyarakat akan masih adanya gerakan bawah tanah dalam bentuk apapun yang mengancam keberlangsungan hidup masyarakat lain, dalam menghadapi kolonialisme yang masih berkembang hingga saat ini.Kata kunci: subaltern, poskolonial, perlawanan, pemberontakABSTRACTSubaltern natives are the real subject of the turmoil of oppression by government troops and underground movements in the Aceh situation which has turned into the Military Operations Area. The purpose of this study is to describe the abuse of the highest throne, the existence of an underground movement rebellion as a form of resistance, the impact on the subalterns such as sexual harassment, down mentality, and impoverished. Data obtained by library techniques from written sources in the form of words and sentences in the novel and then analyzed by descriptive analysis method. The results showed the dominance of the power of superior rulers who occupied the highest throne, two forms of resistance there are in the form of insults and acts of rebellion, and the impact on subalterns was so significant that it leds to adversity, increasingly rampant sexual harassment, the down mentality finally impoverished. In the end the subaltern is getting weaker, frightened and helpless. The existence of the rebel alliance is as a result of the mentality of the colonial era which still plundered the minds of the people. Basically, invaders are the embryo of terrorists and rebellion. This research is expected to contribute to support government policy to discipline politics. Therefore, it does not experience chaos. As well as a reminder to the public of the existence of underground movements in any form that threatens the survival of other communities, in the face of colonialism that is still developing today.Keyword: subaltern, postcolonial, resistance, rebel


Author(s):  
G. O. Chukwu-Okeah ◽  
J. J. Ebubechukwu ◽  
E. B. Okemini

The study was carried out basically to examine military and public participation in disaster rescue operations in Ahoada East L.G.A of Rivers State, Nigeria. Four objectives alongside one hypothesis were set out for the study. A total of 400 respondents were sampled for the study with the use of the Taro Yamane formula, but on distribution of copies of the questionnaire, only 370 copies were returned completely filled for the study. This was thereafter used in the analysis of the study alongside the Chi-Square analytical tool, which was used for hypothesis testing. The findings of the study revealed that the people partnered with the military in different segments of the study area towards disaster rescue, mostly on security and intelligence gathering. Military and public participation concentrated on disaster rescue operations. These rescue operations seem to have an impact on the people of the area. It is also revealed that the attitude of the Government to disaster rescue operations in the area has been positive and effective. The study has also revealed that statistically there is a significant impact of Military and public participation in disaster rescue operations. The study therefore recommended that there is a need for community participation in decision making for disaster management, as this will easily facilitate better communication leading to overall acceptability of the locals with the rescue operations. This positive outcome propagates the need for encouraging a close interaction and partnership between the public and the military. Based on the study outcome a partnership is being built. Such a development would ensure effective disaster rescue operations, monitoring, response recovery and preparedness.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document