scholarly journals Analyse du Contexte Politique et Socio-Economiques et des Differences Qu’il Peut Apporter au Marketing Politique en Tant Que Concept Theorique : Maroc - Legislatives 2016

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (23) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Makry Hajar

En dépit de l’attention qu’a reçue le marketing politique et des progrès conceptuels et empiriques qui ont été accomplis, les chercheurs reconnaissent souvent les différences et les difficultés de conceptualisation et d’opérationnalisation de ce construit. L’action politique est un événement contextuel et est le résultat de nombreuses influences. À travers des recherches documentaires et des entretiens semi-directifs avec des observateurs-experts (journalistes et académiciens) en matière de la chose politique, cette contribution a essayé de voir si le marketing politique présentedes caractéristiques similaires dans des contextes politique et socioéconomique différents. Nous soutenons l’idée d’une prise en considération plus explicite des facteurs contextuels dans la dynamique des actions marketing des partis politiques au Maroc. La présente contribution est le résultat d’une étude de contextualisation de notre travail de recherche sur le marketing politique et la performance électorale. Un contexte délimité en l’année législative 2016. Despite the attention that political marketing has received and the conceptual and empirical advances that have been made, researchers still face difficulties in conceptualizing and operationalizing the concept. Political action is a contextual event and is the result of many influences. Through a documentary research and semi-structured interviews with observers and experts (journalists and academics) in politics and marketing, this paper focuses on ascertaining if political marketing presents similar characteristics in different political and socio-economical contexts. The study also focused on a more explicit consideration of contextual factors in the marketing actions dynamics of political parties in Morocco. This contribution is the output of a contextualization study of our research on political marketing and electoral performance.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Stefanía Óskarsdóttir ◽  
Ómar H. Kristmundsson

The study is intended to provide novel insights into the adaptation of new members of parliament to a working environment that differs in many ways from more traditional workplaces. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 16 first-term members of the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi, after two years’ experience following their election in 2013. The findings show that learning to become active members of parliament is primarily an informal and disorganised process driven by the newcomers themselves. Little formal on-the-job training is available. Two years into their term, the interviewees felt they were still learning and adapting to the rules and norms. New MPs’ performance seems to depend on several factors, including how active they are in the learning process and how successfully they manage to build relationships with colleagues and find informal mentors, who in some cases belong to different political parties. The data limits the inclusion of contextual factors potentially influencing the MPs socialisation process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Fliess

AbstractEmigrant voting rights have opened new electoral arenas, and many political parties increasingly campaign across borders. Yet relatively little is known about the challenges parties confront when campaigning transnationally and the strategies they have developed in response to these challenges. This paper addresses these shortcomings. First, I investigate the hurdles Latin American parties face in linking up with organized migrant collectives in residency countries for campaigning purposes. Second, I probe into the transnational linkage strategies these parties deploy to tap into migrant associations’ resources and mobilization capacities. This study builds on a comparative research design and draws on almost 40 semi-structured interviews with Bolivian and Ecuadorian party activists as well as association leaders in Barcelona, Spain. Departing from the party interest group literature, I identify three transnational linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties implement: 1) Infiltration, 2) Co-optation, and 3) Cooperation. All parties execute these tactics informally in order to comply with local norms that require associations to remain apolitical. The analysis further demonstrates that differences between home-country electoral systems shape the types of linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties use. This article contributes to the study of migrant politics and political parties in important ways. This study highlights how political parties actively negotiate their entry into the transnational electoral arena, and sheds light on how migrants remain politically connected to their home countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Zerback ◽  
Carsten Reinemann ◽  
Angela Nienierza

This study analyzes how perceptions of the popularity of political parties (i.e., the current opinion climate) and expectations about parties’ future electoral performance (i.e., the future opinion climate) are formed. Theoretically, the paper integrates research on the sources of public opinion perception and empirically draws on a representative survey carried out before the 2013 German federal election. We show that the perceived media slant and opinions perceived in one’s personal surroundings are closely related to perceptions of party popularity, whereas individual recall of poll results and personal opinions about the parties are not. However, poll results are shown to be the single most important predictor of expectations about the parties’ future electoral success.


Author(s):  
Samuel Agbesi

Internet voting system adoption in elections can bring enormous benefits to an electoral process. Though few countries have adopted it for their legally binding elections, others have discontinued its use because of perceived vulnerabilities. But it has been argued that the benefits the internet voting system provide outweigh the perceived vulnerabilities. The main purpose of this study is to examine the drivers of the internet voting system from the organizational context. The study is purely qualitative using semi-structured interviews. The interview participants were top management of EC staff, political parties’ executives and experts who were purposively selected, and thematic analysis was used to extract patterns from the data collected. The main themes that emerged from the thematic analysis include pressure from political parties, pressure from the government, legal framework, financial readiness of EC, EC top management support, convenience, accuracy, and increase voter turnouts. The discussion of the findings and the implication of the results were discussed in the study.


GeoTextos ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubens De Toledo Júnior

Tratamos aqui das eleições brasileiras após a redemocratização e a conquista do direito a voto a todos os cargos executivos e legislativos e discorremos sobre as contribuições da Geografia para a análise desse comportamento eleitoral. Partidos políticos e candidatos de diferentes perfis possuem lógicas diversas na distribuição de seus votos, que se dão segundo a posição que possuem no espectro ideológico, repercutindo em sua atuação política e estratégia eleitoral. O estudo geográfico das diferenças socioespaciais dos votos permitiu a compreensão do papel do lugar na formação de valores e conhecimentos na formação da preferência dos eleitores, sua relação com a territorialidade dos candidatos, e uma interpretação da atual dinâmica eleitoral. Abstract THE PLACE AND THE ELECTIONS: VOTES IN BRAZIL AND ITS TERRITORIAL EXPRESSION We treat here about the Brazilian elections after the redemocratization and the voting rights conquest to all executive and legislatives posts and we discuss about the Geography contributions to analyze the electoral behavior. Political parties and candidates from different profiles hold diverse logics on theirs votes distribution, that occurs accordingly to theirs ideological spectrum position, echoing on theirs political action and electoral strategy. The geographical study of the votes socio-spatial differences permitted the understanding of the role of the place in the values formation and knowledge on the formation of the voters preferences, their relationship with the candidates territoriality, and an interpretation of the actual electoral dynamics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer S Lees-Marshment

Abstract: Political marketing—the utilization and adaptation of marketing techniques and concepts by political parties—is increasingly used by opposition leaders seeking to win elections the world over. They can adopt a market orientation and develop a product in response to market demands. However, how they maintain a market orientation while in government has rarely been considered. This article discusses how marketing can be used after the election, utilizing new theoretical perspectives and comparative empirical research to create a framework for market-oriented government. It also discusses the potential for marketing to be a tool of good government.Résumé : Le marketing politique, qui est l’adaptation et l’utilisation de concepts et techniques de marketing commercial par les partis politiques, est une méthode qui gagne en popularité auprès des chefs de partis d’opposition afin de remporter des élections, et ce à travers le monde. Ce faisant, ils suivent une « approche-marché » et développent un produit électoral qui répond aux demandes qu’expriment les consommateurs visés (les électeurs). Toutefois, peu d’études se sont intéressées à la poursuite de cette « approche-marché » lorsque les partis d’opposition remportent l’élection et forment un gouvernement. Cet article examine précisément comment le marketing politique peut être employé après une élection. Il propose des nouvelles perspectives théoriques et s’appuie sur des données empiriques comparatives qui jettent les bases d’un cadre explicatif de l’utilisation du marketing au sein des gouvernements. Enfin, l’article démontre comment le marketing politique peut devenir un outil de bonne gouvernance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Rybář ◽  
Peter Spáč

The existing research suggests that socially rooted new political parties are more likely to be reelected to parliaments than parties emerging without links to preexisting social groups. It is argued that the two groups face different prospects of institutionalization: Rooted parties are more viable because their links to preexisting societal groups contribute to a higher sustainability of their electoral support and stronger institutionalization. We assess the link between the origin of parties, their level of institutionalization, and their electoral performance in the context of Slovakia, a new Eastern European democracy. We add to the existing state of knowledge in three ways. First, we empirically assess the link between the social origin of parties and their level of institutionalization. We also provide rich empirical material on the intraparty processes resulting in various levels of institutionalization. Subsequently, we assess whether rooted parties record better electoral performance than political entrepreneur parties. Second, we provide some illustration of the fact that agential factors, especially the decisions and activities related to leadership contestation, directly impact both party institutionalization and electoral performance. Third, we show that developing the links to a sociostructurally well-defined electorate may be a viable strategy to secure a parliamentary relevance for a prolonged period of time for some political entrepreneurs. Our findings suggest that parties with different levels of institutionalization are able to secure reelection, and that their electoral performance is not directly linked to their social origins.


2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stijn van Kessel

This article assesses the electoral performance of populist parties in three European countries: the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom. In explaining the electoral performance of the populist parties in the three countries, the article considers the agency of political parties in particular. More specifically, it examines the responsiveness of established parties and the credibility of the populist parties. Whereas the agency of populist parties, or other radical outsiders, has often been overlooked in previous comparative studies, this article argues that the credibility of the populist parties themselves plays a crucial role in understanding their electoral success and failure.


1997 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 1019-1024 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Henningham

Previous measures of economic conservatism can be considered dated in the wake of the collapse of communist systems and the embrace of free market policies by social democrat political parties, arguably reflecting rejection of many left-Liberal positions. Testing of a traditionally worded 20-item scale of economic values on an Australian sample of 260 indicates poor reliability (alpha = .53), apparently because many items do not reflect contemporary ideological differences. Higher reliability (alpha = .65) is found in a two-factor eight-item scale involving attitudes to political action and social welfare. The short scale correlates significantly with other measures of conservatism (Pearson r with declared political leaning = .26, r with social conservatism .48).


2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881986362
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Sorina Soare

In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival on the political arena.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document