scholarly journals Hamas dan Fatah: Tekanan Ideologi dalam Membebaskan Palestina

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
Badra Jultouriq Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
Differences Of Opinion ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Hamas and Fatah are the two dominant Palestinian political parties that have the same goal of freeing Palestinians from Israeli occupation. But there are ideological differences between Hamas and Fatah, Fatah with secular nationalist ideology while Hamas with Islamic ideology. The difference in ideology is considered to be the cause of the lack of cooperation between the two to free Palestine from Israeli occupation. This paper seeks to answer the question of why Hamas and Fatah did not unite to free Palestine from Israeli occupation when both have the same goal, whether differences in ideology are the main obstacle for Hamas and Fatah not to unite to liberate Palestine. In this paper the authors use the theory of conflict resolution and descriptive methods. The results of this study indicate that ideology is indeed one of the reasons Hamas and Fatah are not cooperating, because these two ideologies are in conflict with each other, but the historical conflict factor between Hamas's predecessors, the Muslim Brotherhood and Fatah has affected the inability of Hamas and Fatah to cooperate in efforts to liberate Palestine because differences of opinion in addressing resistance to Israel, then coupled with the disappointment of Hamas against Fatah which was hit by the issue of corruption and abuse of power, and Hamas considers Fatah to recognize the existence of Israel after signing the Oslo Declaration. Furthermore, it is hoped that this article can be used as a reference and comparison material for similar research.

How and Why Has the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan Changed since 2011?

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-52
Author(s):  
Mohammad Abu Rumman ◽  
Neven Bondokji
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Identity Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Campaigning ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Arab Spring

In the wake of the Arab Spring, many younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan left the movement, especially after 2015, establishing new political parties due to ideological shifts over the nature of the state and questions of civil liberties. Four factors influenced this transformation: identity crisis, the movement's organizational rigidity, members' personal experiences during and after the uprisings, and a growing desire to separate political campaigning from religious outreach.

Qatar could become a low-profile mediator

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Energy Prices ◽  
Content Type ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
Bomb Attack ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

Significance This followed Qatar's December 14 rejection of Egyptian charges that it had assisted the Islamist perpetrator of a bomb attack on a cathedral in Cairo. The accusation is the legacy of a pre-2013 era of activist foreign policy and support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Under pressure from Saudi Arabia and others, the country has since returned to the Gulf Arab fold, but relations with Egypt remain tense. Impacts Even if recovering energy prices ease the fiscal situation in 2017, foreign policy is likely to be cautious. The legacy of previous unsuccessful mediation efforts in Yemen could compromise Qatar’s role in conflict-resolution efforts. Qatar is not as strongly involved in Libya as before, but maintains low-profile ties with Tripolitanian, Islamist-leaning groups. Ties with Riyadh could strengthen further after a high-profile visit by King Salman on December 5.

Post-Islamist Transformations in Morocco

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Jibreel Delgado
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Human Rights Discourse

This article explores the continuities and ruptures of modern Islamic social movements starting with the reformist salafiyya of Egypt, North Africa, and the Levant, moving through the Islamic political activism of the Muslim Brotherhood along with its various affiliated political parties in the Middle East and North Africa (mena), and finally the radical Jihadist militant groups calling for armed insurgency in parts of the mena as well as globally. After an extensive overview of the varied movements within Salafism in its global context, I will hone in on its articulation in Morocco, its relations with other Islamist movements, as well as with the Moroccan monarchical authoritarian system. I argue that in the wake of post-Islamist adopting of human rights discourse and notions of pluralism in the workings of the Justice and Development Party (pjd) government, the Salafi trend is also undertaking a transformation in Morocco. Placed in its historical and social contexts, however, I show that this trend has never been static and continues to change in relation to competing and collaborating Islamist trends as well as toward the Moroccan government.

scholarly journals SOME APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF CONCEPTS POLITICAL IMAGE AND NETWORK IMAGE

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (33) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
L.V. Chernyshova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
High Speed ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Very High

The article discusses various approaches to the study of political and network image. With the advent of modern election campaigns, it has become clear that image is an inevitable part of a successful campaign. The political image as an object of research began to appear in political science, sociological and communication studies since the 50s of the twentieth century. The political image in modern conditions is becoming such an important factor, politicians who seek to gain power or keep it must be reckoned with it. In modern socio-political conditions and the reduction of ideological differences between political parties and their leaders, their image, through which their authority is reflected, is becoming an increasingly important factor determining the difference between candidates and political parties. For the modern voter, the political image becomes more important than the ideological positions of the candidate and the party. If political parties concentrate on the “average” voter and do not show serious ideological differences, differences in election programs, the image of a political leader becomes the most important factor. Voter confidence depends on image. It is important to determine the audience for whom the political image is being created. A traditional audience is one that has long followed a particular political unit or politics as a whole. The success of the political image and the candidate depends on strategic research, which, among other things, shows what the image of the candidates should be like in these elections. The political image should be aimed at creating voters' confidence in the political leader and developing confidence in the competence of the politician, in his ability to solve pressing problems of society. The political image serves simple purposes - to “win the hearts of citizens” and mobilize their electoral support. But it is not enough to form the image of the candidate, it must be conveyed to the voter without distortion. The modern world has long entered the digital age, where information is distributed through electronic media at a very high speed. Internet technologies for the formation of a political image are beginning to become increasingly important. In the last decade, this issue has become urgent.

"A Revolutionary, Not a Politician"

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines the March crisis of 1954, which saw the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) face off against the combined opposition of the old political parties, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Left, much of the independent intelligentsia, and significant units within the army. The March crisis was sparked by the ouster of Muhammad Nagib as prime minister, and the opposition rallied behind him. They demand that power must return to civilian hands, the officers must return to the barracks, and the revolution must end. The chapter discusses the street demonstrations that were part of the March crisis and the steps taken by the Free Officers after it ended. It shows that the March crisis turned out to be a pivotal moment that allowed the CCR to consolidate its power and establish itself as the only viable alternative to the old regime.

Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and the January 25 Revolution: new political party, new circumstances

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mona Farag
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

This paper highlights the Muslim Brotherhood's experience in Egyptian elections since the 1980s with an emphasis on their last attempts during the Hosni Mubarak era in 2010 and in light of their most recent showing in the 2011 elections. This summary reveals how past electoral activities and failures have positioned this organization the better to capitalize on the newfound democratic climate in a post-revolution Egypt and perform well during the 2011 parliamentary elections. Drawing on these and more recent sources, an attempt is also made to bring the features of today's Egypt's political field into clear focus in the wake of the January 25 revolution and the subsequent emergence of newly formed political parties on the Egyptian scene. The paper concludes with a broad assessment of the prospects for the political future of the Muslim Brotherhood in view of its showing in the initial phase of elections for the People's Assembly that took place in November 2011.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

Grievances against the Morsi Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Political Appointments ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

scholarly journals Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 329-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarína Škrabáková
Keyword(s):  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Demand Model ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
External Interference ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Supply And Demand Model ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.


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