scholarly journals „La bataglia per la libertà” — antyfaszystowska opozycja braci Carlo i Nello Rossellich w latach 1926–1937

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-122
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kiwior-Filo

LA BATTAGLIA PER LA LIBERTÀ — THE ANTI-FASCIST OPPOSITION OF THE BROTHERS CARLO AND NELLO ROSSELLI IN 1926–1937 The opposition activities of the Rosselli brothers, brutally killed on 9 June 1937 in Bagnoles­-de-l’Orne, France, by the French cagoualards, were rooted in their deep conviction concerning the necessity of fighting for freedom in fascist Italy, fighting that brought together Italian, Jewish and French anti-fascist circles. This was manifested in numerous initiatives and various kinds of oppo­sition activities undertaken by Carlo Rosselli b. 1899 — a writer, economist and politician — and his younger brother Sabatino Enrico b. 1900, known as Nello — a historian and journalist. Their collaboration with the opposition periodicals Noi giovani and Non Mollare, their work in the “L’Italia Libera” society, and, above all, in the social-liberal movement “Giustizia e Libertà”, fo­unded by the Rosellis in August 1929, the political programme of which was based on ideas included in Socialismo liberale published by Carlo, were an attempt to unite all non-communist forces that wo­uld be willing to fight together to put an end to the fascist regime. “Giustizia e Libertà” played an im­portant role in sensitising the public, especially outside Italy, to and informing it about the true fascist reality, the image of which was usually distorted by the regime’s propaganda or simply created by it. In Carlo Rosselli’s interpretation, fascism appeared as an anti-freedom and anti-liberal move­ment, “the most passive product of Italian history”, a manifestation of reaction and not revolution. In an article entitled La lotta per la libertà C. Rosselli concluded that fascism was, in a way, an “autobiography of the nation”. It took root in Italy thanks to some favourable circumstances, among which C. Rosselli listed a lack of moral formation of Italian society and conviction of the masses that they should become involved in political life, but also bias, romantic tastes, petit bourgeois idealism, nationalistic rhetoric, sentimental post-war reaction, and restless desire for “novelty” regardless of what was behind it. Carlo Rosselli saw one of the causes of the “triumph of fascism” in a degeneration of parliamentarism” and “inability to rally society around a constructive programme and create a uniform force” that would be capable of standing up to Mussolini. The contribution of the Rosselli brothers to the fight for freedom — encouragements to be­come involved, attempts to make people aware of the real problems exposed by fascism in Italian society — is unquestionable. Their intellectual legacy, political engagement and commitment, and anti-fascist opposition certainly deserve to be reflected upon by generations for whom the idea of freedom still remains invaluable.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095858
Author(s):  
Leena Ripatti-Torniainen

This article provides an alternative contribution to journalism studies on a foundational concept by analysing texts of Jane Addams, a public intellectual contemporary with the seminal scholars Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. The author uses methods of intellectual history to construct the concept of the public from Addams’s books: Democracy and Social Ethics and The Newer Ideals of Peace, showing that all three authors, Lippmann, Dewey and Addams, discuss the same topic of individuals’ changed engagement with public political life. Addams departs from Lippmann and Dewey in setting out from the standpoints of exclusion and cosmopolitanism. Her argument regarding the public, as constructed by the author, consists of two premises. First, public engagement is a method of democratic inclusion as well as social and political inquiry for Addams. She sees the extension of relationality across social divisions as a necessary method to understand society and materialise democracy. Second, Addams emphasises cooperative and reflexive involvement especially in the characteristic developments of a time. She considers industrialisation and cosmopolitanism as characteristic developments of her own era. Addams suggests an in-principle cosmopolitan concept of the public that includes marginalised persons and groups. Compared to Lippmann’s and Dewey’s accounts of the public, Jane Addams’s argument is more radical and far more sensitive to the social inequality and plurality of a drastically morphing society.


Author(s):  
Felipe Gaytán Alcalá

Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.


Popular Music ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Ritzel

Kurt Tucholsky wrote in 1923 in reference to an old ‘Fasching’ tune of that era that this song comprised the ‘most complete expression of the German “Volksseele” (“soul of people”) that one could imagine’ and that it ‘truly reveals the day and age we live in, how this age has evolved and how we ourselves come to terms with this age’ (Tucholsky 1975, p. 187). His argument can be compared to Kracauer's thesis on the effects of film (Kracauer 1979, p. 11). He suggested that the commercial character of mass cultural production was constantly affected by what was provided in a stream of feedback: only commodities which convincingly meet public expectations on either a latent or manifest level are successful with the public. If the masses are moved by a national rhythmic feeling, then the hits articulating that feeling can be seen as a kind of national expression. From this perspective, national and political identities are bound up in the daily emotional turbulence of the music industry.


Author(s):  
Achmad Habibullah

The opinion from studies on religious aspects of senior high school Islamic club summarized in this paper is important considering as lately there is a stronger tendency that Islamic club at school has became a religious movement that is spreading inclusive religious social attitudes. At the beginning of its formation, Islamic club is expected to be the arena for development of Islamic religious knowledge and insight for students that are not sufficiently explored in the activities of Islamic religious education lessons in the classroom. The study used a qualitative approach with in-depth interviews as the main instrument in eight cities in Indonesia, and seeks like to see the social religious attitudes of Islamic club activists associated with aspects of Islam in social life, Islam in the political life of the state, and Islam in gender equality. The findings show that in general high school Islamic club activists are more open and tolerant in neighboring life, but they expect the Islamic system can be the foundation. There is also a tendency that high school Islamic club activists expect that islam can be the foundation of our state system, in which the Islamic system of government (Khilafah Islamiyah) is the best alternative on the democratic system that has drawbacks. High school Islamic club activists in high school tend to put women in a subordinate position of men in both the domestic and the public sphere.


Author(s):  
Barbara A. Hanawalt

The educating of the illiterate, other than the public shaming and time on the pillory, was done through the public reading of the city ordinances and a variety of city institutions. When a man entered the city, he was given three nights to become a member of the frankpledge, taking an oath before an alderman to uphold the laws. The ward was the basic unit of government. Parish churches were inclusive of all parish inhabitants regardless of their social status, but the governance of the finances belonged to elite members. The social and religious gilds that were connected to the parish church were mostly for those of middling rank in the city and, again, had a hierarchical structure. Wards and parishes served an educative function in civic behavior, as did the parishes themselves. Finally, there was the oral culture of the streets and the visual culture of the public buildings.


Modern Italy ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Rothenberg

This article aims to provide a systematic, comparative analysis of two of the main women's mass publications in order to trace continuities and changes in the development of women's role in the public sphere in Italy. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the social and political context, which is crucial for the understanding of media texts in general. It shows how the existence of only limited political spaces in post-war Italian society due to the polarisation of Catholicism and communism delayed both an open political discourse on women's conditions and the gradual development of an autonomous and lay feminist movement. Noi Donne of Union Donne Italiene (UDI) was closely aligned with and financed by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and lacked any substantial autonomy until the early 1970s, while Cronache of the Catholic women's organisation Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) was a faithful instrument for the propagation of those Catholic concepts of femininity that were redefined and reinforced by the Vatican in the Catholic publication Civiltà Cattolica.


Heritage ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 641-663
Author(s):  
Patricia Aelbrecht

Since the 1960s, post-war modernist heritage has been largely criticised and victimised by the public opinion because of its material failures and elitist social projects. Despite these critiques, post-war modernist heritage is being reassessed, revalued and in some places successfully rehabilitated. There is a growing recognition that most of the critiques have often been the result of subjective and biased value and taste judgments or incomplete assessments that took into account neither urban design nor the users’ experiences. This paper aims to contribute to these reassessments of post-war modernist urban heritage legacies. To do so, it places the user’s social experiences and uses, and the urban design at the centre of the analysis, by using a combination of ethnographic methods and urban design analysis and focusing on the public spaces of South Bank Centre in London, the UK’s largest and most iconic and contested post-war modernist ensemble with a long history of conservation and regeneration projects. Taken together, the findings demonstrate the importance of including the users’ social experiences and uses in the conservation and regeneration agendas if we want to achieve more objective and inclusive assessments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Dziedziczak-Foltyn

While referring to Agata Zysiak’s book Punkty za pochodzenie. Powojenna modernizacja i uniwersytet w robotniczym mieście [Points for Class Origin: Post-War Modernization and the University in a Working-Class City] (2016) the author’s intention is to provide an independent voice in the debate on plans to modernize the institution of the university, both in PPR times and at present. She describes the role of the university in Poland’s ideologically created socio-economic modernization. Both the communist and post-transformation reforms of the social system can be treated as being defined by the modernization imperative and a similarly legitimated attempt to overcome backwardness. The following points are raised: (1) the significance of the institution of higher learning in the modernization of the country; (2) the vision of a higher-learning institution guiding two outstanding academics of those times; (3) the university in the public discourse of the communist era; (4) the career paths of the recipients of university educations, that is, the students and graduates of the socialist university; (5) and the career paths of academics in the Polish People’s Republic. Consideration of these questions through the communist and capitalist prisms of modernization changes in Poland makes it possible to advance theses about the function of a higher-learning institution, regardless of the dominant political system.


Author(s):  
Carolina Carazo-Barrantes

Abstract This paper analyzes the role of social media in electoral processes and contemporary political life. We analyze Costa Rica’s 2018 presidential election from an agenda-setting perspective, studying the media, the political and the public agendas, and their relationships. We explore whether social media, Facebook specifically, can convey an agenda-setting effect; if social media public agenda differs from the traditional MIP public agenda; and what agenda-setting methodologies can benefit from new approaches in the social media context. The study revealed that social media agendas are complex and dynamic and, in this case, did not present an agenda-setting effect. We not only found that the social media public agenda does not correlate with the conventional MIP public agenda, but that neither does the media online agenda and the media’s agenda on Facebook. Our exploration of more contemporary methods like big data, social network analysis (SNA), and social media mining point to them as necessary complements to the traditional methodological proposal of agenda-setting theory which have become insufficient to explain the current media environment.


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