scholarly journals La comunicación institucional de contenidos sanitarios mediante notas de prensa y su reflejo en la prensa diaria. El caso de Aragón = Institutional communication of health contents through press releases and its presence in the daily press. The case of Aragón

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Florencio-Jesús García-Latorre ◽  
Carlos Aibar-Remón ◽  
Maite Gobantes-Bilbao

Resumen: Introducción: La publicación de notas de prensa es una práctica habitual de los gabinetes de comunicación de los Departamentos de Salud autonómicos mediante la que ofrecen información relevante para un mejor conocimiento y utilización del sistema, la difusión de sus actividades y la rendición de cuentas. Objetivo: Analizar las características de los comunicados de prensa emitidos por la Dirección de Comunicación del Gobierno de Aragón y verificar el grado en que los temas tratados en estas informaciones obtienen visibilidad en los medios impresos. Material y método: Revisión de las notas de prensa de contenido sanitario durante un año y comprobación de si los temas propuestos han sido llevados a las páginas de los dos periódicos de ámbito autonómico de la comunidad. Resultados: Se encontraron 190 notas de prensa, generalmente centradas en aspectos de la gestión sanitaria. Un 43% no obtuvieron reflejo en la prensa. Entre los dos medios estudiados se observa una concordancia moderada en cuanto a los temas publicados. Conclusiones: La comunicación institucional puede ser considerada un tipo de comunicación política, con unas características particulares, que es filtrada y contrapesada por los medios dentro de su labor de control de las instituciones públicas.Palabras clave: Salud, Comunicación institucional, Notas de prensa, PrensaAbstract: Introduction: The publication of press releases is a common practice of press offices of the Regional Departments of Health to offer relevant information for a better knowledge and use of the health system, to publicize their activities and for accountability purposes. Objective: To analyze some features of the press releases issued by the Directorate of Communication of the Government of Aragon and also verify the extent to which the subjects covered in these informations obtain visibility in the print media. Material and method: A review of the health-related press releases during one year was carried out; we also checked whether the proposed issues were brought to the pages of the two regional newspapers. Results: 190 press releases were found, mainly focused on aspects of health management. 43% of those reports were not mentioned in the newspapers. Between the two dailies studied, a moderate level of agreement in the selection of the subjects that were translated into news was observed. Conclusions: Institutional communication can be considered a type of political communication, with particular features, that is filtered and counterbalanced by the media, given that one of its tasks is the monitoring and control of the performance of public institutions.Keywords: Health, Institutional communication, Press releases, Press 

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-139
Author(s):  
Behramand Durrani ◽  
◽  
Riffat Alam

This present study analyzes the role played by the media during the controversy between Government of Pakistan and its Supreme Court in 2012. This study is particularly focused on the issues pertinent to the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) case. It employed content analysis as research study and quantitatively examined the columns in the Pakistani newspapers; including, Dawn and Daily Jang for the one year time period in the year 2012. A conflicting relationship has been found between the government and judiciary concerning the National reconciliation ordinance (NRO). It was concluded that Dawn and Daily Jang, both newspapers, follow the same agenda about the NRO issue as both of these newspapers offered negative coverage of this issue. Compared to Jang, Dawn was more inclined to the negative framing of judiciary, and Jang was inclined to the negative reporting of government performance. Hence, the Pakistani Print media has framed the issues negatively between the government and the judiciary. Frequent negative slants were observed in Urdu newspaper as compared to English newspaper.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ines Langer ◽  
Johannes B. Gruber

This article examines the roles of the media in the process of political agenda setting. There is a long tradition of studies on this topic, but they have mostly focused on legacy news media, thus overlooking the role of other actors and the complex hybrid dynamics that characterize contemporary political communication. In contrast, through an in-depth case study using mixed-methods and multiplatform data, this article provides a detailed analysis of the roles and interactions between different types of media and how they were used by political and advocacy elites. It explores what happened in the different parts of the system, and thus the paths to attention that led to setting this issue in the political and media agendas. The analysis of the case, a partial policy reversal in the United Kingdom provoked by an immigration scandal known as the “Windrush scandal” reveals that the issue was pushed into the agenda by a campaign assemblage of investigative journalism, political and advocacy elites, and digitally enabled leaders. The legacy news media came late but were crucial. They greatly amplified the salience of the issue and, once in “storm mode,” they were key for sustaining attention and pressure, eventually compelling the government to respond. It shows that they often remain at the core of the “national conversation” and certainly in the eye of a media storm. In the contemporary context, characterized by fierce battles for attention, shortening attention spans and fractured audiences, this is key and has important implications for agenda setting and beyond.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Malachy Ryan

Keywords: Agenda Setting, Informational Politics, Frames Analysis, Network Theory, Political Communication, Policy Formation This dissertation examines the contemporary relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011. The research project tests Savoie's thesis that the centralization of power has grown with the increasing size of the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and that the leader of the office has most clearly exerted that power in controlling the government's agenda by applying it to the experience of minority government at the dawn of the 21st century. To test his thesis, textual analyses of the PMO's agenda-setting documents were conducted to identify the key language, frames, and controlled policy announcements that were reflected within the political discourse. How does the discourse represent and reflect the shift in power in a dramatically changed political environment when, at least in theory, a minority government would be at the mercy of opposition parties who hold the balance of power? From 2006 to 2011, the Harper Conservatives stayed in power by cleverly manipulating the agenda through framing and reframing issues to their advantage. The prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies. Harper has often been identified as a shrewd strategist by academics and the media alike, but how different were his agenda-setting techniques compared to previous minority government strategies? This research identifies the communication tactics that the PMO used in 2006 to ensure its unique five key policy frames of “accountability”, “child care tax credits”, “cutting the GST”, “patient wait time guarantees”, and “tough on crime” were consistently delivered and coordinated across media in their platforms, websites, speeches, and outlays. The Harper Conservatives’ new strategies included narrowing agendas, promoting wedge issues, priming voters using distracter frames, and using strict media communication protocols to attract popular support from the key segment of middle class families. Using these tactics, the government set the agenda on the dismantling of the firearms registry, framed the skills and motivations of two opposition leaders as ineffective and weak with attack advertisements, and sold the illusion that coalition governments were undemocratic.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Adda Guðrún Gylfadóttir ◽  
Jón Gunnar Ólafsson ◽  
Sigrún Ólafsdóttir

The worldwide outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of reliable and relevant information dissemination. How well a crisis like COVID-19 is handled depends, in many ways, on how the public perceives the crisis and risks related to it, through the media. Therefore, how the situation is framed, what are seen as key issues, and who is perceived to be in charge, can have implications for the outcome. This article analyses Icelandic news media content about COVID-19 at the onset of the pandemic by using theories of agenda-setting and framing. The objective is to examine how the pandemic was framed, which topics were highlighted and who was given a voice in the media. We specifically investigate what kind of leadership was present during the earliest stages of the pandemic. Using content analysis, we examined media content about COVID-19 from 21 Icelandic media outlets from January 1st to March 31st, 2020. Our conclusions show that from the start of the pandemic, health related subjects, such as disease prevention, COVID-19 statistics and the health care system were salient in the media, though tourism and economic factors were also quite prominent. Furthermore, experts were at the helm of communication whilst politicians remained more in the background. The dissemination of instructions and rules illuminates the relationship between the experts and politicians, as the experts were given a voice in the media to communicate such information. The politicians, however, directly cited the experts, thanked them or endorsed them, when they spoke on instructions and rules in the media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-48
Author(s):  
Abdul Mua’ti Zamri bin Ahmad

The government of Malaysia has introduced ‘Inculcating Islamic Values’ during the reign of Prime Minister Dr Mahathir in the 80s, ‘Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari)’ during the reign of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi in 2004, ‘Wasatiyah’ during the reign of Prime Minister Najib Razak in 2010 and ‘Rahmatan-lil-Alamin’ recently in 2018 under the new government. All the approaches were designed towards developing a modern society in predominantly Malay-Muslim society of Malaysia. The concepts were normally publicized as a part of the manifesto during the political campaigns prior to the general elections. Since then, Malaysians, Muslims and non-Muslims alike were expecting to observe more detail explanations of the concepts and how it could be translated into actions in the multi-religion society. Occasionally the Prime Minister will reiterate the approaches and spell out in detail the methods of implementing the concept or to translate the concepts into policies. The concepts will further be elaborated in a couple more speeches delivered by the Prime Minister and senior ministers including the information minister. The mainstream media has also allotted special columns and programs to outspread the concepts even though at times not in detail and lack of continuity. Today, after about one year since the latest concept (Rahmatan-lil-alamin) has been conceived, what are the peoples’ perceptions towards it? Do the people really made to understand the concept? To what extent has the media been used to disseminate the idea? This paper will discuss the analysis of the dissemination of the concept through the main stream media in Malaysia.


Author(s):  
Carlos Arcila-Calderón ◽  
David Blanco-Herrero ◽  
Martín Oller-Alonso

There is global concern regarding how the Covid-19 pandemic was communicated to citizens, given the enormous amount of uncertainty and misinformation surrounding the health situation (Singh et al., 2020). As expected, the government has been the main source of official information in most countries, but the crisis has also affected political communication models and the management of crisis communication and misinformation. In this scenario, the level of trust in the government and political polarization have become crucial variables to understand how citizens perceive and receive communicate about the effects of the pandemic in their daily life. To address these issues in the case of Spain, in November 2020 we conducted the first nationally representative survey to analyze the level of trust that citizens have in public information on Covid-19 provided by the national government. The findings reveal that their perceptions regarding the quality of such information, the media used for its transmission, and the communication management by the Government during the pandemic were rather negative, although some sociodemographic differences are observed. This study, besides broadening knowledge about government communication during the pandemic in Spain, opens new questions such as the effect of trust in government communication on the level of compliance and agreement with health measures. Resumen Existe una preocupación mundial sobre cómo se transmitió o comunicó la pandemia de la Covid-19 a los ciudadanos, dada la enorme incertidumbre y desinformación en torno a la emergencia sanitaria (Singh et al., 2020). Como era de esperar, el Gobierno ha sido la principal fuente de información oficial en la mayoría de los países, pero a su vez esto ha afectado los modelos de comunicación política, la gestión comunicacional de la crisis y la desinformación. En este escenario, el nivel de confianza en el gobierno y la polarización política se han convertido en variables cruciales para entender cómo los ciudadanos perciben y comunican los efectos de la pandemia en su vida diaria. Para abordar estas cuestiones en el caso de España, en noviembre de 2020 realizamos la primera encuesta representativa nacional para analizar el nivel de confianza de la ciudadanía hacia la información pública de la Covid-19 dada por el Gobierno nacional. Nuestros hallazgos revelaron que la percepción sobre la calidad de la información, de los medios utilizados para su transmisión y de la gestión comunicacional del Gobierno durante la pandemia fue más bien negativa, aunque se observaron algunas diferencias sociodemográficas. Este estudio, además de ampliar el conocimiento sobre la comunicación gubernamental durante la pandemia en España, abre nuevos interrogantes, como el efecto de la confianza en la comunicación gubernamental en el nivel de cumplimiento y acuerdo con las medidas sanitarias.


Author(s):  
Yvonne Schaffler ◽  
Afsaneh Gächter ◽  
Rachel Dale ◽  
Andrea Jesser ◽  
Thomas Probst ◽  
...  

The COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent governmental restrictions have had a major impact on the daily lives of Austrians and negatively affected their mental health. A representative sample of N = 1505 individuals was recruited via Qualtrics® to participate in an online survey between 23 December 2020 and 4 January 2021. A qualitative study design was used to determine the problem areas that emerged since the beginning of the pandemic (question 1), the factors that were the source of the greatest current concern (question 2), the biggest worries when thinking about the future (question 3), and what the most important source of support (question 4) during the pandemic was. The written responses were analyzed using conventional content analysis following a framework for qualitative research and reported in the form of descriptive statistics. Restrictions imposed by the government, sociopolitical developments, work- and health-related issues, and economic disruptions were identified as being the greatest concerns. Conversely, social contacts within and outside the family were the most important source of support, followed by recreational activities and distraction. Greater consideration should be given to psychosocial factors in future decisions to contain the pandemic. More detailed qualitative research, in particular, to collect the personal experience of more vulnerable groups such as young people, women, and the unemployed, is needed.


Author(s):  
Andrea Mariuzzo

This chapter defines the channels used to elaborate and disseminate propaganda, and reconstructs a history of the circuits and the most significant materials used to create and disseminate language. It places the press and propaganda sections of parties and mass associations in the more complex context of the media and communication agencies that participated in the making of Italian political identities, such as major political newspapers, publications and exhibitions promoted by the government and by foreign embassies, and the popular press.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 224-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Spielmann ◽  
Sylvie Jolly ◽  
Fabrice Parisot

Purpose – The purpose of this article is to review the use of the word terroir by print media in France using a multi-method approach. The objective is to uncover whether and how the media frames terroir-marketed products as being qualitatively superior to non-terroir products. Design/methodology/approach – Every issue of five print magazines in France was analyzed over the period of one year. All references to terroir were coded as well as all tasting notes with and without terroir references. > 6,500 tasting notes and 800 uses of terroir in wine and food-related text from > 3,800 pages in 30 issues were identified and analyzed. Findings – The results show that although it is not a frequently used word, terroir in tasting notes leads to significantly higher scores and prices for wines than when terroir is not included in the note. A further analysis reveals that terroir is most often related to subjective experiences of taste. Practical implications – Wine managers should often use the word terroir in their press releases and communication pieces. However, the dimension of terroir that brand managers put forward in their communication pieces will influence the way in which the media frame their product. Originality/value – Prior to this research there were no empirical results regarding how the media uses terroir. This research contributes to the growing body of research that seeks to understand the value of terroir as a marketing attribute.


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