scholarly journals Information management in government policy: the challenges of time and responses to them

Author(s):  
S. Bulbeniuk ◽  
Yu. Maneliuk

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation of government policy in the field of information management under the influence of systemic challenges of recent years. Particular attention is paid to the role and place of civil society, in particular its network segment, in the relationship between the state and the media in the media market. The authors propose a rationale for information management and social capital of society as interrelated political and social phenomena. After all, the effective promotion of certain models of information management is possible under the conditions of attracting social capital to the mechanisms of political communication. At the same time, social capital as an exclusively group resource is both an object and a subject of information flows involved in the processes of political communication. The problem of mass media involvement is covered in two aspects. First, through the consideration of communication techniques. Secondly, it was found that in recent years the practice of forming qualitatively different models of mass media financing has become established. The article analyzes the prospects of diversification of mass media funding sources through public activist campaigns of donors and crowdfunding, in particular in Ukraine. In the domestic socio-political realities, according to the authors, it is worth talking more about attempts to introduce such a systemic practice. And this is not surprising, because the spread of donor and crowdfunding practices of the mass media is one of the indicators of the maturity of civil society. However, traditional and modern channels of interaction between the government and civil society in the field of information management can have unpredictable consequences, such as the threat of manipulative influences of different directions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-258
Author(s):  
Herrukmi Septa Rinawati

This study aimed to know the obstacles and the government policy in developing the social capital of small industry in facing competition in ASEAN Economy Community (AEC) period. Using quantitative and qualitative as the methodology, this study obtained the data through interview and focus group discussion. The result showed that the development of social capital that not maximum enough was becoming the obstacle for small industry. The connection between the businessman association with other party, such as big industry, civil society organization, banking and other stake holders should be expanded. Meanwhile the government had done some policy in developing the social capital of small industry by holding a training and competition, increasing the access and relation of small industry with foreign and national company, also helping on the social capital. Therefore, small industry still can survive in facing the AEC era.


Author(s):  
Shirley Genga

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Florencio-Jesús García-Latorre ◽  
Carlos Aibar-Remón ◽  
Maite Gobantes-Bilbao

Resumen: Introducción: La publicación de notas de prensa es una práctica habitual de los gabinetes de comunicación de los Departamentos de Salud autonómicos mediante la que ofrecen información relevante para un mejor conocimiento y utilización del sistema, la difusión de sus actividades y la rendición de cuentas. Objetivo: Analizar las características de los comunicados de prensa emitidos por la Dirección de Comunicación del Gobierno de Aragón y verificar el grado en que los temas tratados en estas informaciones obtienen visibilidad en los medios impresos. Material y método: Revisión de las notas de prensa de contenido sanitario durante un año y comprobación de si los temas propuestos han sido llevados a las páginas de los dos periódicos de ámbito autonómico de la comunidad. Resultados: Se encontraron 190 notas de prensa, generalmente centradas en aspectos de la gestión sanitaria. Un 43% no obtuvieron reflejo en la prensa. Entre los dos medios estudiados se observa una concordancia moderada en cuanto a los temas publicados. Conclusiones: La comunicación institucional puede ser considerada un tipo de comunicación política, con unas características particulares, que es filtrada y contrapesada por los medios dentro de su labor de control de las instituciones públicas.Palabras clave: Salud, Comunicación institucional, Notas de prensa, PrensaAbstract: Introduction: The publication of press releases is a common practice of press offices of the Regional Departments of Health to offer relevant information for a better knowledge and use of the health system, to publicize their activities and for accountability purposes. Objective: To analyze some features of the press releases issued by the Directorate of Communication of the Government of Aragon and also verify the extent to which the subjects covered in these informations obtain visibility in the print media. Material and method: A review of the health-related press releases during one year was carried out; we also checked whether the proposed issues were brought to the pages of the two regional newspapers. Results: 190 press releases were found, mainly focused on aspects of health management. 43% of those reports were not mentioned in the newspapers. Between the two dailies studied, a moderate level of agreement in the selection of the subjects that were translated into news was observed. Conclusions: Institutional communication can be considered a type of political communication, with particular features, that is filtered and counterbalanced by the media, given that one of its tasks is the monitoring and control of the performance of public institutions.Keywords: Health, Institutional communication, Press releases, Press 


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ines Langer ◽  
Johannes B. Gruber

This article examines the roles of the media in the process of political agenda setting. There is a long tradition of studies on this topic, but they have mostly focused on legacy news media, thus overlooking the role of other actors and the complex hybrid dynamics that characterize contemporary political communication. In contrast, through an in-depth case study using mixed-methods and multiplatform data, this article provides a detailed analysis of the roles and interactions between different types of media and how they were used by political and advocacy elites. It explores what happened in the different parts of the system, and thus the paths to attention that led to setting this issue in the political and media agendas. The analysis of the case, a partial policy reversal in the United Kingdom provoked by an immigration scandal known as the “Windrush scandal” reveals that the issue was pushed into the agenda by a campaign assemblage of investigative journalism, political and advocacy elites, and digitally enabled leaders. The legacy news media came late but were crucial. They greatly amplified the salience of the issue and, once in “storm mode,” they were key for sustaining attention and pressure, eventually compelling the government to respond. It shows that they often remain at the core of the “national conversation” and certainly in the eye of a media storm. In the contemporary context, characterized by fierce battles for attention, shortening attention spans and fractured audiences, this is key and has important implications for agenda setting and beyond.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sullivan

Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on election campaigning, social movements, and other modes of political communication. It demonstrates how a new system of coevolving media, civil society, and political spheres is taking shape, characterised by complexity, heterogeneity, interdependence, and transition.


Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-111
Author(s):  
S. A. Vorontsov ◽  
F. I. Sharkov ◽  
A. V. Ponedelkov

This article examines the problems of communication between the government, society and the mass media in the field of extremism prevention through a systematic information policy aimed at identifying the causes and factors that determine radical manifestations, determining measures aimed at their localization, and forming a persistent rejection of illegal behavior of citizens and their associations in society. The competent organization of interaction between the government, society and the media makes it possible to synthesize their efforts in the field of extremism prevention. This approach encompasses not only basic security-based counter-terrorism measures, but also systematic preventive steps to address the underlying conditions that encourage individuals to radicalize and join violent extremist groups. It is necessary to develop specific recommendations and action plans at the federal, regional and local levels of both state and municipal authorities in active interaction with the mass media, in particular, focusing on the root social reasons why some people are attracted to extremist organizations and what measures to combat extremism are most effective.


Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Lidya Wati Evelina ◽  
Mia Angeline

Data from General Election Commission (KPU) said the 2009 election abstentions level is still relatively high , ie 49,212,161 non voters (29.1%) of the 176,411,434 voters. The low political participation of Indonesian society is caused by many cases convoluting political parties, the lack of potential figure of political parties, and the decline of the party's image. Research aims to find the 2014 election socialization efforts of the General Election Commission to reduce the level of abstentions and how the media shape public opinion to reduce the abstentees. Research used qualitative method with data collection through interview and literature. Data were analyzed with data reduction and triangulation. The study found the socialization media used for 2014 election were national and regional media socializing to various schools and universities in Indonesia. KPU also recruited agents of socialization in 2014, put up posters and banners, did activities along with agents of socialization, and increased the number of polling stations (TPS). KPU disseminated the information to the mass media to be publicized. The goal is to involve the community and to contribute to the success of the election. Electronic mass media need to make a program that helps the socialization of the election, for example having an open debate of all parties participating in the election in a special slot provided by the government then they explain the program and their pro-people commitments. As conclusions, the commission and the media have not been systematically designing programs that can persuade public to participate in the election of 2014. Research recommends the media to make a program that is interactive and engaging based on local tastes and culture to provide a common understanding about the 2014 election. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 456
Author(s):  
Dian Purworini ◽  
Engkus Kuswarno ◽  
Purwanti Hadisiwi ◽  
Agus Rakhmat

Mediation by the government in the Royal Palace of Surakarta’s internal conflict was considered reasonable and appropriate policy by the media. The approach to the conflict did not emphasize a strong cultural aspect of that culture-based organization. This research aimed to examine how online news media reported on the Royal Palace of Surakarta’s internal conflict. Furthermore, this research used framing analysis as proposed by Stephen D Reese to analyze the news published in February 2014. The outcome indicated that there was framing construction of the government policies. The content of the news presented that framing processes occurred. Those started from the transmission of the various debated about government policy, then reinforced through elections sentence that supported certain policy and continued to the naturalization process. The final process was an important strategy to make mediation as an accepted policy that should be done by the government. In the conclusion, the perception to be formed was that government policies were appropriate, and so everyone should hold it. The conflict resolution could be achieved through the mediation as already conducted.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Malachy Ryan

Keywords: Agenda Setting, Informational Politics, Frames Analysis, Network Theory, Political Communication, Policy Formation This dissertation examines the contemporary relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011. The research project tests Savoie's thesis that the centralization of power has grown with the increasing size of the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and that the leader of the office has most clearly exerted that power in controlling the government's agenda by applying it to the experience of minority government at the dawn of the 21st century. To test his thesis, textual analyses of the PMO's agenda-setting documents were conducted to identify the key language, frames, and controlled policy announcements that were reflected within the political discourse. How does the discourse represent and reflect the shift in power in a dramatically changed political environment when, at least in theory, a minority government would be at the mercy of opposition parties who hold the balance of power? From 2006 to 2011, the Harper Conservatives stayed in power by cleverly manipulating the agenda through framing and reframing issues to their advantage. The prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies. Harper has often been identified as a shrewd strategist by academics and the media alike, but how different were his agenda-setting techniques compared to previous minority government strategies? This research identifies the communication tactics that the PMO used in 2006 to ensure its unique five key policy frames of “accountability”, “child care tax credits”, “cutting the GST”, “patient wait time guarantees”, and “tough on crime” were consistently delivered and coordinated across media in their platforms, websites, speeches, and outlays. The Harper Conservatives’ new strategies included narrowing agendas, promoting wedge issues, priming voters using distracter frames, and using strict media communication protocols to attract popular support from the key segment of middle class families. Using these tactics, the government set the agenda on the dismantling of the firearms registry, framed the skills and motivations of two opposition leaders as ineffective and weak with attack advertisements, and sold the illusion that coalition governments were undemocratic.


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