European Union in Counter-Crisis Competition of Power Centers: Potential, Realities, Hopes

Author(s):  
K. Voronov

Despite the crisis, the economy of the European Union remains to be the largest in the world. The economic mechanism of the EU is rather differentiated. It has a great historical experience and possesses sufficient evolutionary robustness. Currently, the former relationships between the EU and the USA undergo substantial changes and new forms emerge. For both of them the greatest challenge is presented by China which in recent decades shows the solid rates of GDP growth. Supposedly, Chines economy will become the world largest on in the new future. Under such conditions the Old World has to conduct a persistent search for new sources of its successful macroeconomic growth.

2021 ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
André Sapir

After two prosperous decades, the European Union suffered a serious setback in the late 1970s and early 1980s, with sluggish growth and weak competitiveness in high-tech sectors compared to the USA and Japan. The creation of the single European market in 1993 was a major boost to growth and competitiveness in Europe. Yet, today, even abstracting from the coronavirus crisis, the European Union again faces some economic troubles. Growth has been subdued for a while and the EU is suffering yet again from weak competitiveness in high-tech sectors compared to the USA and to China, which has replaced Japan as the main Asian powerhouse. At the same time, however, the geopolitical situation has changed dramatically. In the earlier days, the world was divided between East and West, and all three main economic powers, the EU, Japan, and the USA, were in the same political camp. Their rivalry was therefore purely economic. Today, there are political dividing lines between the three main economic powers. The EU’s competitiveness problem vis-à-vis China and the USA in some key technologies is therefore not just economic but also geopolitical. Yet, the European Union remains largely an economic entity, though it has started to think and even to act geopolitically. The obvious question is whether Europe will be able to repeat its achievement of nearly 30 years ago and come up with a new design that will boost its growth and competitiveness in this new geopolitical era, or whether this quest will prove elusory.


2019 ◽  
pp. 316-322
Author(s):  
M. HADDAD

The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory. The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 507-514
Author(s):  
Ivan Vuković

In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
Omer Ugur ◽  
Kadir Caner Dogan ◽  
Metin Aksoy

The European Union has grown up in terms of influence and size in international politics. The size of its economy and the ever-increasing membership, have seen its ambitions grow meaning that the EU now has an international presence it did not have at its formation. It is easy to say that with the EU being an ambitious actor in international politics, the rise into prominence of climate change naturally came in handy for the EU as it provided an opportunity for the EU to assert itself and prove both its capacity and presence. The 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the withdrawal of the USA from the obligations of the Kyoto came as a blessing in disguise for the Union as it seized the moment to assert itself. Thus, in trying to understand what role the EU has or is playing in international climate change politics, there is need to assess its leadership claims and what it has done to prove these claims. To get there, the paper will navigate through a part of the discipline of International Relations (IR) to understand how it provides for a basis to explain or understand the EU’s limitations and strengths on actorness.


Author(s):  
Michał Pietrzak ◽  
Marcin Mucha

In the period 1990–2013 sugar industry in Poland faced numerous legal transformations, shifting from nearly free-market conditions into a strongly regulated sector. Changes of the sugar industry regulations had a significant impact on the structure of the sugar market, companies’ actions and, as a result, on their performance. Accession to the European Union and the reform of the sugar regime conducted from 2006 to 2010 on the initiative of the European Commission involved deep restructuring and modernization of the factories, which caused growth of their productivity. However, prices of sugar in the EU and in Poland are much higher than prices on the world market.


Author(s):  
N. Arbatova

The focal point of the article is the future of the European Union that has been challenged by the deepest systemic crisis in its history. The world economic and financial crisis became merely a catalyst for those problems that had existed earlier and had not been addressed properly by the EU leadership. The author argues that the EU crisis can be overcome only by new common efforts of its member-states and new integrationist projects.


Author(s):  
Sedef Eylemer ◽  
Elif Cemre Besgur

The European Union (EU), United States (US), and China are the main global drivers of the international trade system. However, trade wars between them create tensions in the world. As the world is facing increasing neo-protectionist trade applications of the Trump administration, this chapter analyses whether a greater convergence between China and the EU is possible for protecting multilateralism through two case studies, namely (1) market conditions and discrimination, (2) cybersecurity. In this context, the chapter argues that although the US pressure has led the EU to rapprochement with China, this situation creates a dilemma for the EU in terms of the fears about the problems of alignment with the normative identity of the EU. Whereas the EU aims at regulating the global trade on a normative basis originating from its acquis, China has a more strategic perspective based upon specific relationship context. It is difficult to take a side for the EU due to its different standpoint compared to China in defending the multilateral trading system.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 287-294
Author(s):  
Michael Fakhri

In EC—Seal Products, the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body (AB) held that the European Union (EU) Seal Regime banning the importation of seal products could be justified under General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Article XX(a) as a measure necessary toprotect public morals. It also held that the indigenous communities (IC) exception under the EU Seal Regime is inconsistent with GATT Article I:1 (Most-Favored Nation) because it discriminated against commercial fishers in Canada and Norway and was applied in a manner that favored the mostly Inuit seal hunters of Greenland, and thus ran afoul of Article XX’s chapeau. Since the entire EU Seal Regime is not likely to be done away with, the most important question for Inuit communities is: how will the EU change the discriminatory aspects of the Seal Regime and IC exception? The EU faces an October deadlineto pass its new legislation and this remains a very live issue.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ye Mingque ◽  
Alena Slisava

<p>Nowadays non-tariff measures become more and more widely used. Russia is one of world largest importers of agri-products. In order to protect domestic production different non-tariff measures (NTMs) are used, which create difficulties for the exporters because NTMs are strict, changeable and difficult to deal with. This article analyses Russian non-tariff measures and their influence on the European Union exports of agri-products by using gravity model. The results show that Russian trade resistance is weaker for EU agricultural products exporters than for the USA exporters but stronger than for Chinese agricultural products exporters. The results do not prove that Russia’s NTMs have bigger impact on the EU exports than on the other countries’ exports such as India, Kyrgyz Republic, and the Ukraine. The NTM of such countries as China and Mexico also have much greater influence on the EU exports of agri-products than Russian NTMs.</p>


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Vankevič

The paper presents multilingualism and multiculturalism as one of the main aims of the European Union (EU) and deals with the issue of political and cultural globalization. More and more young people describe themselves as cosmopolites. Multiculturalism is especially noticeable in the sphere of languages. Languages are fundamental for Europeans wanting to work together. They go to the very heart of the unity in diversity of the EU. It is important to nurture and to promote our linguistic heritage in the Member States but we also need to understand each other, our neighbours, our partners in the EU. Speaking many languages makes businesses and citizens more competitive and more mobile. The EU policy of official multilingualism as a deliberate tool of government is unique in the world. The EU sees the use of its citizens’ languages as one of the factors which make it more transparent, more legitimate and more efficient. At the level of culture and of enhancing the quality of life, too, the EU works actively to promote the wider knowledge and use of all its official languages throughout the Union. The ability to speak foreign language and multiculturalism are inseparable parts of the EU integrations. There are certain skills and competences that a multilingual, multicultural European citizen must acquire in order to become a full‐fledged EU member. Pagrindiniai daugiakalbiškumo įgūdžiai ir kompetencijos Europos sąjungos kontekste Santrauka Straipsnyje parodomas daugiakalbiškumas ir daugiakultūriškumas kaip vienas iš pagrindinių Europos Sąjungos tikslų bei analizuojama politinės ir kultūrinės globalizacijos problema. Vis daugiau jaunų žmonių save apibūdina kosmopolitais. Daugiakultūriškumas ypač pastebimas kalbų srityje. Kalbos labai svarbios europiečiams, norintiems bendradarbiauti. Būtent kalbos sudaro Europos vientisumo ir skirtingumo ašį. Todėl visos Europos Sąjungos (ES) šalys narės privalo ne tik tausoti ir plėtoti savo kalbos paveldą, bet ir stengtis suprasti vienos kitas, savo kaimynes, ES partneres. Gebėjimas bendrauti keliomis kalbomis padeda plėtotis ne tik verslo sričiai, jis padeda ES piliečiams tapti konkurencingesniems ir mobilesniems. ES valdžios taikoma oficialaus daugiakultūriškumo politika – vienintelė pasaulyje. ES valstybinių kalbų vartojimą laiko vienu iš šalies skaidrumo, didesnio teisingumo ir produktyvumo veiksnių. Kultūros ir gyvenimo kokybės stiprinimo lygmeniu ES aktyviai dirba skatindama mokymąsi ir visų Sąjungos valstybinių kalbų vartojimą. Gebėjimas kalbėti keliomis kalbomis bei daugiakultūriškumas – neatsiejama eurointegracijos dalis. Yra tam tikrų gabumų ir kompetencijų, kurios privalomos daugiakultūriam, daugiakalbiam europiečiui, norinčiam tapti visaverčiu ES piliečiu.


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