Global Governance and Diasporas: the Case of African Migrants in the USA

Author(s):  
D. Bondarenko

In 2013, the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences began a study of black communities in the USA. By now, the research was conducted in six states (Alabama, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York and Pennsylvania); in a number of towns as well as in the cities of Boston, Minneapolis, New York, Philadelphia and Chicago. The study shows that diasporas as network communities have already formed among recent migrants from many African countries in the U.S. These are diasporas of immigrants from individual countries, not a single “African diaspora”. On one hand, diasporas as an important phenomenon of globalization should become objects of global governance by means of regulation at the transnational level of both migration streams and foreign-born communities norms of existence. On the other hand, diasporas can be agents of social and political global governance, of essentially transnational impact on particular societies and states sending and accepting migrants, as evidenced by the African diasporas in the USA. Most American Africans believe that diasporas must and can take an active part in the home countries’ public life. However, the majority of them concentrates on targeted assistance to certain people – their loved ones back home. The forms of this assistance are diverse, but the main of them is sending remittances. At the same time, the money received from migrants by specific people makes an impact on the whole society and state. For many African states these remittances form a significant part of national income. The migrants’ remittances allow the states to lower the level of social tension. Simultaneously, they have to be especially thorough while building relationships with the migrant accepting countries and with diasporas themselves. Africans constitute an absolute minority among recent migrants in the USA. Nevertheless, directly or indirectly, they exert a certain influence on the establishment of the social life principles and state politics (home and foreign), not only of native countries but also of the accepting one, the U.S. This props up the argument that elaboration of norms and setting the rules of global governance is a business of not only political actors, but of the globalizing civil society, its institutions and organizations either. The most recent example are public debates in the American establishment, including President Obama, on the problem of immigration policy and relationships with migrant sending states, provoked by the 2014 U.S.–Africa Leaders Summit. Remarkably, the African diasporas represented by their leaders actively joined the discussion and openly declared that the state pays insufficiently little attention to the migrants’ needs and insisted on taking their position into account while planning immigration reform. However, Africans are becoming less and less “invisible” in the American society not only in connection with loud, but infrequent specific events. Many educated Africans who have managed to achieve a decent social status and financial position for themselves, have a desire not just to promote the adaptation of migrants from Africa, but to make their collective voice heard in American society and the state at the local and national levels. Their efforts take different forms, but most often they result in establishing and running of various diaspora organizations. These associations become new cells of the American civil society, and in this capacity affect the society itself and the government institutions best they can. Thus, the evidence on Africans in the USA shows that diasporas are both objects (to date, mainly potential) and real subjects of global governance. They influence public life, home and foreign policy of the migrant sending African countries and of migrant accepting United States, make a modest but undeniable contribution to the global phenomena and processes management principles and mechanisms. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by the grants of the Russian Foundation for Humanities: no. 14-01-00070 “African Americans and Recent African Migrants in the USA: Cultural Mythology and Reality of Intercommunity Relations”, no. 13-01-18036 “The Relations between African-Americans and Recent African Migrants: Socio-Cultural Aspects of Intercommunity Perception”, and by the grant of the Russian Academy of Sciences as a part of its Fundamental Research Program for 2014. The author is sincerely grateful to Veronika V. Usacheva and Alexandr E. Zhukov who participated in collecting and processing of the evidence, to Martha Aleo, Ken Baskin, Allison Blakely, Igho Natufe, Bella and Kirk Sorbo, Harold Weaver whose assistance in organization and conduction of the research was inestimable, as well as to all the informants who were so kind as to spend their time for frank communication.

1995 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-262
Author(s):  
Kenneth I. Berns

Members of the American Society for Microbiology (ASM) have a considerable history of bringing scientific and technical knowledge to the issue of biological weapons control and being available to serve in advisory roles to the government. ASM's involvement with the biological weapons issue began in the 1940s, when microbiologists served as advisors to the government's Biological Defense Research Program and participated in the Biological Warfare Committee of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences. In 1970, a controversy resulting from the ASM's involvement with this issue abated when the ASM Council approved a statement concerning non-secrecy and free movement in research. Simultaneously, the society affirmed support for President Richard M. Nixon's action to end the U.S.'s offensive biological weapons program. The society's code of ethics, published in 1985, contains two relevant sections that seek to discourage ASM members from participating in biological weapons development.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (118) ◽  
pp. 13-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Scherrer

The paper questions the emphasis proponents of global governance place on form over content as well as their narrow view of hegemony. Their theoretical approach, regime theory, originated in the policy community of internationally oriented capital groups who had gained hegemony within the USA. Regime theory was first used in support of international fordism. After this failed, these groups pushed for a neo-liberal global constitutionalism of property rights. The complex interplay between the hegemony of transnational corporations and the U.S. state becomes apparent in the struggle for a labor rights clause in the WTO.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Mazen Ajjan ◽  
Syed Mehartaj Begum

On July 16th 2021, the U.S. newly elected President Joe Biden hosted Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi at the White House. The main topic was the future of the U.S. troops in Iraq. The controversial American invasion, after more than eighteen years, is again in focus. The American media in particular is allocating long hours of its live coverage in discussing this sensitive topic. This paper investigates the complex relationship between media and policymakers in the USA. The paper uses the invasion of Iraq in 2003 as a case study to address the question of the media’s influence on policy decision-making. By choosing two main media outlets in the "stalwart" on democracy: The New York Times and Fox News. The paper goes through a detailed account of how the Bush administration was able to impose their interpretation of the situation and how the media fostered misperceptions among the American public in one of the most world’s controversial crises. The conclusion from this analysis was that the media don’t affect policymaking. On the contrary, the American administration shaped the news coverage almost entirely. The Bush administration in 2003 was able to employ media to form its war agenda and spreading it to the public. Media, even in a democratic system, was unable to give counter argument or even a critical attitude towards Bush administration foreign policy.    Received: 5 August 2021 / Accepted: 4 October 2021 / Published: 5 November 2021


1975 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-259
Author(s):  
A. R. Kemal

The developed economies, except the USA and Canada, have each imple¬mented a Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) in order to encourage exports of the developing countries. Since the tariffs imposed on the imports from the developing countries are relatively small under the GSP, the developing countries have an advantage in the exports of commodities covered by the GSP., The GSPs. of different countries vary in product coverage, depth of tariff cuts', safeguard measures for the protection of domestic industry, and the rules of origin. For a •comparative analysis of the GSPs of different countries, an evaluation of the im¬pact of the overall GSP on the exports of the developing economies, and of sugges¬tions-for devising ways and means for expanding the exports of the developing countries, several committees were formed by the UNCTAD Secretariat. The Report under review is a collection of documents prepared by those committees, including document- Nos. TD/B/C-5.2 to TD/B/C-5.9. These documents are arranged under three heads, viz. General Report, Consideration of some inportant aspects of the GSP, and the Case Studies. The main issues discussed in these re¬ports are: Special measures in favour of the least developed countries; Effect of the GSP on the tariff advantages enjoyed by the African countries associated with the European Economic Community (EEC); Analysis of the rule of origin; and Effects of the GSP of the EEC countries, Japan and the UK on the export earnings of the beneficiary countries.


Author(s):  
Katherine A. Brown

This book reviews how news intersects with international politics and discusses the global power and reach of the U.S. news media, especially within the context of the post-9/11 era. It is based on years of interviews conducted between 2009 and 2017, in Kabul, Washington, and New York. The book draws together communications scholarship on hegemony and the U.S. news media’s relationship with American society and the government (i.e. indexing and cascading; agenda-building and agenda-setting; framing; and conflict reportage) along with how national bias and ethnocentrism are fixed phenomena in international news. Given the longevity of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and the Afghan news media’s dramatic proliferation since 2001, Afghanistan provides a fascinating case study for the role of journalists in conflict and diplomacy. By identifying, framing, and relaying narratives that affect the normative environment, U.S. correspondents have played unofficial diplomatic and developmental roles. They have negotiated the meaning of war and peace. Indirectly and directly, they have supported Afghan journalists in their professional growth. As a result, these foreign correspondents have not been merely observers to a story; they have been participants in it. The stories they choose to tell, and how they tell them, can become dominant narratives in global politics, and have directly affected events inside Afghanistan. The U.S. journalists did not just provide the first draft of history on this enduring post-9/11 entanglement between the United States and Afghanistan—they actively shaped it.


Author(s):  
Kathy E. Ferguson

This paper explores the activities of The No-Conscription League in the U.S. in order to analyse the conceptual logic and the political strategy of the movement. The grounds of the anarchists’ opposition were not based on pacifism, but on the right to choose what to fight for. Contrary to contemporary images of anarchists as isolated extremists, the anarchists forged an effective coalition with socialists and other progressives. The connected their opposition to militarism and to capitalism with their support for birth control, because all three issues have to do with freedom to control one’s own body. They questioned conscription from the theoretical position of internationalism, as well as appealing to the rights of Americans to protect their liberties. They also critiqued the militarization of American society as a greater danger than those the war was intended to fight.


10.4335/64 ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Tomaž Klenovšek

Community foundations represent a relatively new form of foundations. The primary goal of community foundations is to improve the quality of life for those living in a closed area, usually in a city or region. The concept has its roots in the USA where community foundations have a long and successful history. After all, due to the amounts of funds spent on public purposes, they are also very important factors in shaping the public life. Then the paper presents the basic characteristics of community foundations. After describing the first community foundation, established in Gütersloh, Germany, a thought has been given to advantages of community foundations and to their potentials for the circumstances in Slovenia. KEYWORDS: • foundations • community foundations • civil society • Slovenia


Author(s):  
O A Frolova

Article considers the interrelation of political and religious interests in the USA during the current presidential campaign. In particular, the author considers such aspects as mentality and culture of the American society. In material, the religious preferences of the US population based on the last social researches. The author comes to conclusion that commitment of the American society to mass demand of goods consumption and services - an integral part of mentality and culture including religious. This characteristic of society formed the basis of “market nature” of spirituality to which candidates for president often appeal.


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