scholarly journals Religion as the Main Projection Channel of the Power Interests on Civil Society during the Election Campaign in the USA

Author(s):  
O A Frolova

Article considers the interrelation of political and religious interests in the USA during the current presidential campaign. In particular, the author considers such aspects as mentality and culture of the American society. In material, the religious preferences of the US population based on the last social researches. The author comes to conclusion that commitment of the American society to mass demand of goods consumption and services - an integral part of mentality and culture including religious. This characteristic of society formed the basis of “market nature” of spirituality to which candidates for president often appeal.

Author(s):  
D. Bondarenko

In 2013, the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences began a study of black communities in the USA. By now, the research was conducted in six states (Alabama, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York and Pennsylvania); in a number of towns as well as in the cities of Boston, Minneapolis, New York, Philadelphia and Chicago. The study shows that diasporas as network communities have already formed among recent migrants from many African countries in the U.S. These are diasporas of immigrants from individual countries, not a single “African diaspora”. On one hand, diasporas as an important phenomenon of globalization should become objects of global governance by means of regulation at the transnational level of both migration streams and foreign-born communities norms of existence. On the other hand, diasporas can be agents of social and political global governance, of essentially transnational impact on particular societies and states sending and accepting migrants, as evidenced by the African diasporas in the USA. Most American Africans believe that diasporas must and can take an active part in the home countries’ public life. However, the majority of them concentrates on targeted assistance to certain people – their loved ones back home. The forms of this assistance are diverse, but the main of them is sending remittances. At the same time, the money received from migrants by specific people makes an impact on the whole society and state. For many African states these remittances form a significant part of national income. The migrants’ remittances allow the states to lower the level of social tension. Simultaneously, they have to be especially thorough while building relationships with the migrant accepting countries and with diasporas themselves. Africans constitute an absolute minority among recent migrants in the USA. Nevertheless, directly or indirectly, they exert a certain influence on the establishment of the social life principles and state politics (home and foreign), not only of native countries but also of the accepting one, the U.S. This props up the argument that elaboration of norms and setting the rules of global governance is a business of not only political actors, but of the globalizing civil society, its institutions and organizations either. The most recent example are public debates in the American establishment, including President Obama, on the problem of immigration policy and relationships with migrant sending states, provoked by the 2014 U.S.–Africa Leaders Summit. Remarkably, the African diasporas represented by their leaders actively joined the discussion and openly declared that the state pays insufficiently little attention to the migrants’ needs and insisted on taking their position into account while planning immigration reform. However, Africans are becoming less and less “invisible” in the American society not only in connection with loud, but infrequent specific events. Many educated Africans who have managed to achieve a decent social status and financial position for themselves, have a desire not just to promote the adaptation of migrants from Africa, but to make their collective voice heard in American society and the state at the local and national levels. Their efforts take different forms, but most often they result in establishing and running of various diaspora organizations. These associations become new cells of the American civil society, and in this capacity affect the society itself and the government institutions best they can. Thus, the evidence on Africans in the USA shows that diasporas are both objects (to date, mainly potential) and real subjects of global governance. They influence public life, home and foreign policy of the migrant sending African countries and of migrant accepting United States, make a modest but undeniable contribution to the global phenomena and processes management principles and mechanisms. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by the grants of the Russian Foundation for Humanities: no. 14-01-00070 “African Americans and Recent African Migrants in the USA: Cultural Mythology and Reality of Intercommunity Relations”, no. 13-01-18036 “The Relations between African-Americans and Recent African Migrants: Socio-Cultural Aspects of Intercommunity Perception”, and by the grant of the Russian Academy of Sciences as a part of its Fundamental Research Program for 2014. The author is sincerely grateful to Veronika V. Usacheva and Alexandr E. Zhukov who participated in collecting and processing of the evidence, to Martha Aleo, Ken Baskin, Allison Blakely, Igho Natufe, Bella and Kirk Sorbo, Harold Weaver whose assistance in organization and conduction of the research was inestimable, as well as to all the informants who were so kind as to spend their time for frank communication.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Okrasa

Censuses of population and housing in the United States are of particular interest to experts in many disciplines – in addition to statisticians, also to demographers, political scientists, sociologists, historians, and even psychologists and anthropologists. This is so not only because of the long history of US censuses (the first census in the US was carried out in 1790) or methodological innovations, but due to immigration responsible for the dynamic population growth, and to the specific purpose of the census, which is ensuring the proportional (according to the numer of inhabitants) distribution of seats in the lower chamber of Congress and federal funds (apportionment), guaranteed by the US Constitution. The heterogeneity of the American society, both in the racial-ethnic and religious-cultural sense, in addition to the above considerations, raise questions about the purposes of those changes and directions for improvement in subsequent censuses. The aim of the article is to present the problems and challenges related to censuses in the USA. The paper focuses on methodological and operational solutions that can be implemented thanks to several improvements, including the progress in the fields of statistics and technology. The paper also discusses the issues of credibility of the census data, based on the example of immigration from Poland and the Polish diaspora in the USA.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4(S)) ◽  
pp. 30-35
Author(s):  
John Paull

Policing in the USA is dangerous for the US public. The objective of the present study is to determine the gross deaths due to lethal force by police and the racial distribution of those deaths compared to the racial distribution of the US population. Longitudinal data reveal that police in the USA kill one thousand people per year (n=1004 in 2019). Deaths by year and race are presented for the years 2015 through 2019. The racial distribution of victims of US police lethal force is not proportionate to the racial distribution of the US population. Whites account for the largest racial group of deaths, but are under-represented, accounting for 45% of police killings (and 60% of the population). Blacks are over-represented, accounting for 24% of police killings (and 13% of the population). Hispanics are proportionately represented, accounting for 17% of police killings (and 18% of the population). Others (including Asian, Native American, and others) are under-represented, accounting for 4% of police killings (and 8% of the population). The rate of US police killings has been relatively stable for the past five years (with a low of 962 deaths in 2016 and a high of 1,004 deaths in 2019). The US police killing rate in The USA is 3.05 police killings per million of population. The US police killing rate of Blacks is 5.34 per million of Hispanics is 2.63 per million, of Whites is 1.87 per million, and of others is 1.5 per million of population. The US police killing rate of Blacks is 2.86 times the US police killing rate of Whites. US police killing rates compare unfavorably with other jurisdictions. The police fatal shooting rate in Australia is 0.17% per million of population, one eighteenth of the police killing rate in the USA (an Australian rate of police killings applied to the US population would produce 56 US police killings per year). The reasons for the high rate of police killings in the USA and for the racial disparities of those killings are multifactorial. The valorization of violence and the glamorization of guns are woven tightly into the history and culture of the USA. The metrics of US police killings are a symptom of larger issues within American society. Treating one symptom will not remedy the malady blighting the organism. Is it time for an American societal and rethink of its relationship with violence, in the light of these metrics of disintegration? Is Violent America fixable? Only time will tell


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ulrika Mårtensson ◽  
Mark Sedgwick

This special issue is the outcome of a generous invitation by the Center for Islamic Studies of Youngstown State University, Youngstown, Ohio, to arrange a seminar on Nordic Islam at Youngstown State and to publish the proceedings in the Center’s journal, Studies in Contemporary Islam. To make the proceedings available to Nordic audiences, the proceedings are also being published in the Tidsskrift for Islamforskning. The seminar was held on 25–26 October 2010, and was highly rewarding. The contributors are grateful for the hospitality they received during their stay in Youngstown. They are also grateful to Professor Rhys Williams, Director of the McNamara Center for the Social Study of Religion at Loyola University Chicago, for contributing to the seminar and the special issue. Rhys Williams’ perspective is that of an experienced researcher of religion in the USA, and represents the logical opposite of the Nordic state model and its way of organizing welfare, civil society, and religion. Dr. Williams’ perspective helps to highlight the specifics of the Nordic context. Last but not least, the contributors wish to thank the editors of the Tidsskrift for Islamforskning.The fact that this special issue about Islamic institutions and values in the context of the Nordic welfare state is intended for both American and Nordic readers has inspired the framework that introduces the issue. The first three contributions constitute one group, as they each deal with the significance that the two different welfare and civil society models represented by the Nordic countries and the USA may have for the institutionalization of Islam and Muslims’ public presence and values. First, Ulrika Mårtensson provides a historical survey of the Nordic welfare state and its developments, including debates about the impact of neoliberal models and (de)secularization. This survey is followed by Rhys Williams’ contribution on US civil society and its implications for American Muslims, identifying the significant differences between the US and the Nordic welfare and civil society models. The third contribution, by Tuomas Martikainen, is a critical response to two US researchers who unfavorably contrast European ‘religion-hostile’ management of religion and Islam with US ‘religion-friendly’ approaches. Martikainen , with reference to Finland, that globalized neoliberal ‘new public management’ and ‘governance’ models have transformed Finland into a ‘postsecular society’ that is much more accommodating of religion and Islam than the US researchers claim.The last seven contributions are all concerned with the ‘public’ dimensions of Nordic Islam and with relations between public and Islamic institutions and values. In the Danish context, Mustafa Hussain presents a quantitative study of relations between Muslim and non-Muslim residents in Nørrebro, a part of Copenhagen, the capital, which is often portrayed in the media as segregated and inhabited by ‘not well integrated’ Muslims. Hussain demonstrates that, contrary to media images, Nørrebro’s Muslim inhabitants feel that strong ties bind them to their neighborhood and to non-Muslims, and they trust the municipality and the public institutions, with one important exception, that of the public schools.From the horizon of the Norwegian capital, Oslo, Oddbjørn Leirvik explores public discourses on Islam and values with reference to national and Muslim identity and interreligious dialogue; Leirvik has personal experience of the latter since its start in 1993. From the Norwegian city of Trondheim, Eli-Anne Vongraven Eriksen and Ulrika Mårtensson chart the evolution of a pan-Islamic organization Muslim Society Trondheim (MST) from a prayer room for university students to the city’s main jami‘ mosque and Muslim public representative. The analytical focus is on dialogue as an instrument of civic integration, applied to the MST’s interactions with the church and the city’s public institutions. A contrasting case is explored in Ulrika Mårtensson’s study of a Norwegian Salafi organization, whose insistence on scriptural commands and gender segregation prevents its members from fully participating in civic organizational activities, which raises questions about value-driven conditions for democratic participation.In the Swedish context, Johan Cato and Jonas Otterbeck explore circumstances determining Muslims’ political participation through associations and political parties. They show that when Muslims make public claims related to their religion, they are accused of being ‘Islamists’, i.e., mixing religion and politics, which in the Swedish public sphere is a strong discrediting charge that limits the Muslims’ sphere of political action in an undemocratic manner. Next, Anne Sofie Roald discusses multiculturalism’s implications for women in Sweden, focusing on the role of ‘Swedish values’ in Muslims’ public deliberations about the Shari‘a and including the evolution of Muslims’ values from first- to second-generation immigrants. Addressing the question of how Swedish Islamic schools teach ‘national values’ as required by the national curriculum, Jenny Berglund provides an analysis of the value-contents of Islamic religious education based on observation of teaching practices. In the last article, Göran Larsson describes the Swedish state investigation (2009) of the need for a national training program for imams requested by the government as well as by some Muslims. The investigation concluded that there was no need for the state to put such programs in place, and that Muslims must look to the experiences of free churches and other religious communities and find their own ways to educate imams for service in Sweden.


Author(s):  
Ilya Sokov ◽  

Introduction. The overview’s subject is the problem of Latin Americans’ situation (citizens and noncitizens of the USA) during the D. Trump’s presidency, reflected in new works by American authors. The historiography overview consist of researchers’ monographs from American universities and analytical articles from academic journals and periodicals. The overview’s logical systematization is based on two principles: the established chronological framework and the grouping of author’s views on a particular problem. Relevance. The overview topic’s relevance is caused by significant reduction in the rights and increased prosecution of Latinos in the contemporary of the United States which is emphasized by the American authors themselves. The authors emphasized the theoretical basis for the new migration political process was making D. Trump’s conservative nationalist policy which is called “America First”. The implementation of such policy leads to new challenges in ensuring national security, exacerbating social conflicts and splitting the American society. Purpose. The work’s purpose is to highlight new trends in the US immigration policy that significantly restricted the rights and freedoms of Latin American citizens and Latin American refugees living in the country during this period. Methods. The author of the article used the following methodological tools: the scientific principle of objectivity, which allowed us to assess the degree of subjective information contained in the publications; the ontological (substantive) approach, which was used to clarify the actors of conflict interaction in the process of the White House’s transformational policy presented in new American studies; the institutional method based on the research works, which allowed us to determine changes in the functions and activities of the US government’s departments when dealing with immigration issues and the situation of Latin American citizens and non-citizens in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency. Results. The results consist in the recognition of the nativist and conservative nationalist policy of the US government towards Latin Americans by the American academic and expert community, which contradicts the values declared by the American society and contributes to its separation and division creating greater inequality within it. Although the historiography overview did not aim to examine Latinos’ situation in the United States in historical retrospect. All of these could be noted in the above works that no American author noted an improvement in the situation of Latinos during D. Trump’s presidency, compared to the previous administrations of B. Clinton, G.W. Bush and B. Obama. Many authors noted that new problems have been added to the old problems of Latinos and incoming immigrants. The results area. The results obtained can be used by Russian Americanist researchers to conduct their further researches in the fields of area studies, international relations, international processes, and the history of foreign countries. Conclusion. The Latinos’ situation analysis in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency was based on American authors’ publications for 2018–2020, which suggests not only the devastating impact of the White House’s transformative policies toward Latinos, but also the changing structure of American society itself, which is inherently immigrant.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M Scott ◽  
Ralph G Carter

As the USA initiated strategies of democracy promotion to support the spread of democracy, a key element involved democracy assistance. However, some states receive substantial commitments of US democracy aid while other states receive little or none, and the mix of democracy assistance varies in allocation between civil society and institutional channels. This study examines democracy aid allocation, focusing on the role of regime conditions on the targeting and composition of the aid. We disaggregate regime type to differentiate among non-democratic governments and argue that such differences affect both the amount of democracy aid and whether aid packages target government institutions or civil society channels. We theorize how these regime conditions shape allocations, controlling for donor interests and recipient features, and test our argument against US democracy aid allocations by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) from 1975 to 2010. We conclude with discussion of the implications of these findings.


2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 341-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C. Alexander

Despite anxieties about the growing power of neo-liberalism, the crisis of the EU and the upsurge of right-wing political movements, it is important to recognize that utopian movements on the left have also in recent years been symbolically revitalized and organizationally sustained. This article analyses three recent social upheavals as utopian civil society movements, placing the 2008 US presidential campaign of Barack Obama, the Egyptian uprising in Tahrir Square and the Occupy Movement in the USA inside the narrative arc that began with the non-violent democratic uprisings against authoritarian governments four decades earlier. In this new utopian surge, however, there is an unprecedented connection of eastern and western impulses, demonstrating that the tide of democratic thought and action is hardly confined to Judeo-Christian civilizations.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Perga

The development of the idea of wildlife conservation in the USA has investigated. The role of colonization of the North American continent in attracting interest to wildlife has identified. Two vectors of such influence are determined: negative impact (destruction of many species of flora and fauna) and positive (the discovery of unique natural landscapes). The contribution of American painters, writers, scholars, and statesmen of late 19th – 20th centuries in the disclosure of the non-economic value of wildlife and the creation of the first areas of its protection has defined. The US legislation on wildlife conservation in the twentieth century has analyzed. The role of US President Theodore Roosevelt in establishing the first US nature reserves has revealed. It has concluded that on the eve of World War II, American society has already spread an understanding of the importance of protecting wildlife and American presidents carried out fragmentary measures in this area. Despite the widespread perception of wildlife in American society in terms of assessing its economic value, which was associated with the needs of hunting and tourism development, an understanding of the importance of preserving the species of wild flora and fauna for the development of ecosystems has been already developed. On this basis, in the second half of the twentieth century, the first legislative acts on the protection of wildlife were adopted. It has proved that the first in the world the United States gave a legal definition of wildlife and enshrined it in 1964 the Wilderness Act. The term “wild river” introduced by the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act (1968) has analyzed. The growth of the National System of Wildlife Refuges and the procedure for the creation of such sites in the USA have considered. The modern problems of wildlife conservation in the USA are clarified. It is found that they are closely connected with the considerable increase in resource requirements due to population growth and urbanization. A conclusion is made about the US influence on the development of wildlife conservation in European countries, which adopted the first laws in wildlife protection only in the 1990s.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gino Casale ◽  
Robert J. Volpe ◽  
Brian Daniels ◽  
Thomas Hennemann ◽  
Amy M. Briesch ◽  
...  

Abstract. The current study examines the item and scalar equivalence of an abbreviated school-based universal screener that was cross-culturally translated and adapted from English into German. The instrument was designed to assess student behavior problems that impact classroom learning. Participants were 1,346 K-6 grade students from the US (n = 390, Mage = 9.23, 38.5% female) and Germany (n = 956, Mage = 8.04, 40.1% female). Measurement invariance was tested by multigroup confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) across students from the US and Germany. Results support full scalar invariance between students from the US and Germany (df = 266, χ2 = 790.141, Δχ2 = 6.9, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, ΔCFI = 0.000, RMSEA = 0.052, ΔRMSEA = −0.003) indicating that the factor structure, the factor loadings, and the item thresholds are comparable across samples. This finding implies that a full cross-cultural comparison including latent factor means and structural coefficients between the US and the German version of the abbreviated screener is possible. Therefore, the tool can be used in German schools as well as for cross-cultural research purposes between the US and Germany.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


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