scholarly journals Reconstruction of falsified election results using Shpilkin integral method

Author(s):  
Andrey Viktorovich Podlazov

I propose a simple and formal method to reconstruct falsified election results, based on the hypothesis of the mutual independence of the overall turnout and the result of power. This method is a development of the classical method of S.A. Shpilkin, however, it does not require additional assumptions and has no free parameters. In addition, it uniformly reconstructs all key values and uses a simpler and clearer mathematical procedure. Comparison of official and true results of federal elections allows to perform a political science analysis of the development of the institution of electoral frauds in Russia in the 20th century and its impact on the political system.

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2018 ◽  
pp. 359-373
Author(s):  
Dominika Gołaszewska-Rusinowska

This case study focuses on the life and work of Joaquín Costa. He was a Spanish intellectual who in late 19th century and early 20th century started the intellectual and political movement called Regenerationism. This movement emerged in response against the political system of Spanish Restoration.  


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3(60)) ◽  
pp. 323-347
Author(s):  
Bogumił Grott ◽  
Olgierd Grott

Problem of the Condition of Poles and Poland in the Thought of Roman Dmowski The authors present opinions of Roman Dmowski – the leader of National Democrats – about character traits of his contemporary Poles and about the level of civilizational advancement of Poland during his lifetime. The authors highlight the development of his opinions, starting from the end of the 19th/beginning of the 20th century, when Dmowski criticised the Poles’ unrealistic political stances and the lack of character traits required to resist the occupants. In the next period the National Democrats entered the process of “merging nationalism with Catholicism into a single ideological entity”, which resulted in a shift in Dmowski’s perception of his compatriots. Dmowski started to notice more of their positive traits. He noted their idealism and religiousness, which were to be lacking among many Western societies. At the same time, discussing the political system, Dmowski criticised certain maladjustment of Polish masses to parliamentary democracy, leaning towards a vision of a system of elitist character. This quickly created the need, in Dmowski’s opinion, to identify “leadership”, which he described as “nation in the moral sense” or “national elite” and to entrust the real power to them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-74
Author(s):  
Nadhifatus Shofia ◽  
Moch. Zaidan Alamsyafi

The political system in Indonesia always has a close relationship with political parties. Basically, the emergence of political parties is the actualization of the various sects or political views that lie behind them. Through a theoretical and law approach, this paper discusses the existence of political parties in Indonesia, especially in the pre and post independence period. The author concludes that in terms of basic ideological aspects, the emergence of Indonesian political parties in the pre-independence era is the actualization of three political streams or views that found momentum in the 20th century. The three streams referred to are Nationalism, Islam, and Marxism/Socialism. After the proclamation of independence, the emergence of the concept of multiple parties gave rise to several new political parties. The formation of political parties after the proclamation of independence is often based on the values or principles of divinity, nationality, and Marxism. However, this does not prevent the emergence of parties that were born based on values or other principles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 391-398
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

The article is devoted to the political views of F.D. Samarin, his conception of the political system in Russia before 1905, constitutional reforms of 1905–1906 and Stolypin’s reforms. The author demonstrates how Samarin tried to adopt the Slavophile doctrine to the situation of the beginning of the 20th century. At that he had to carry on polemics both with the opponents of the Slavophilism and its supporters. On the one hand, this fact stresses Slavophilism diversity and its inner heterogeneity. On the other hand, it shows the nature of the Slavophile doctrine itself that resembled more the historiographic approach to researching the past than a well-structured political conception. Giving meaningful political content to Slavophile ideas depended fully on every single representative of the Slavophile intellectual heritage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Justyna Eska-Mikołajewska

The article presents the issues of the political position of the parliament in one of the largest states of the South Pacific subregion – Papua New Guinea. Shaping its legal and political system, the state profoundly derived from the British practice. This process was initiated in the first decade of the 20th century as a result of Australian rule, which had lasted by that time the state gained its independence in 1975. As a consequence, all the basic features of Westminster democracy were adopted, with the unitary form of government and the unicameral parliament. The analysis allowed to indicate that the character of Papuan democracy has evolved over the years, and therefore some elements of the Westminster model have become inadequate and not very effective. These changes concerned mainly superior state structures, including the parliament. It is a body increasingly controlled by the executive nowadays, that lost its original representative character. In this article, the author has adopted the following research methods: an analysis of legal sources and a critical analysis as well as a descriptive method. The text was divided into three main parts, the introduction and the conclusion.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Reef

AbstractThis article analyses Macedonia’s Colourful Revolution and elections of 2016 against the background of the criticism and protests directed against the Skopje 2014 Project. It also provides a photographic reportage of Skopje 2014 during the political turmoil from July 2016. It examines the main grounds for resistance and opposition to Nikola Gruevski’s VMRO-DPMNE government by further investigating the controversies surrounding Skopje 2014. Those controversies are manifold but stem mainly from the project’s tremendous cost and corruption, its controversial rewriting of history and its exclusion of Albanians and other minorities. Finally, the article argues that the Colourful Revolution has until now failed to overturn or decisively upset Macedonia’s politics or political system, as is evident from election results there. However, it has borne fruit in one respect in that two Albanian MPs have been included in the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), a tentative step towards overcoming the ethnic deadlock of Macedonian politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 909-926
Author(s):  
Giovanni de Ghantuz Cubbe

The two general elections held in Italy in 2013 and 2018 were particularly significant: While the anti‑systemic Five Star Movement and the Lega were hugely successful, established parties such as Forza Italia and Partito Democratico fell behind . Numerous scholars regarded the election results as a signal of a radical turning point in Italian politics . However, such an interpretation seems to undervalue the persistence of a number of traditional features within the Italian political system . Taking into consideration the main systemic characteristics over the last 30 years, it is apparent that the rise of the Five Star Movement and the Lega did not radically modify Italian politics . Both parties are a consequence as well as a catalyst of the political crisis and of the Italian “infinite transition” that began in 1992 .


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Georgy Filatov

The Mancomunitat represents the first experience of self-government in Catalonia in the 20th century. This idea began to form among Catalan intellectuals in the second half of the 19th century, when the interests of the local bourgeoisie and the cultural elite of the region unexpectedly coincided in connection with the need to defend their interests before the central authorities. The Mancomunitat emerged at a time when the political system of the restoration was in crisis as the main monarchist parties were ousted from the political life of the region by Catalanists and Republicans. In these conditions, the Spanish government preferred to satisfy the demands of the nationalists, since they were a more conservative force and did not pretend to change the political system of Spain. As a result, the Catalan provinces were able to create the Mancomunitat, which allowed them to coordinate efforts to deal with administrative issues.


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