scholarly journals The Manchurian Plague and COVID-19: China, the United States, and the “Sick Man,” Then and Now

2021 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-429
Author(s):  
Ruth Rogaski

In this article, I explore the historical resonances between China’s 1911 pneumonic plague and our current situation with COVID-19. At the turn of the 20th century, China was labeled “the Sick Man of the Far East”: a once-powerful country that had become burdened by opium addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. In 1911, this weakened China faced an outbreak of pneumonic plague in Manchuria that killed more than 60 000 people. After the 1911 plague, a revolutionized China radically restructured its approach to public health to eliminate the stigma of being “the Sick Man.” Ironically, given the US mishandling of the COVID pandemic, observers in today’s China are now calling the United States “the Sick Man of the West”: a country burdened by opioid addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. The historical significance of the phrase “Sick Man”—and its potential to now be associated with the United States—highlights the continued links between epidemic control and international status in a changing world. This historical comparison also reveals that plagues bring not only tragedy but also the opportunity for change.

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-181
Author(s):  
Bartosz Kozicki ◽  
Szymon Mitkow

The study uses a multidimensional comparative analysis of the employed and unemployed in respective US states in four groups of dependent variables in the form of months: January 2020, November 2020, December 2020, January 2021 and its impact on providing logistical support to the US Armed Forces stationed in Poland . The research period of the study covers the impact of the crisis caused by the COVID-19 infectious disease pandemic. It led to a sharp increase in unemployment in April 2020. Such a strong and rapid growth dynamics of unemployment rates in the United States has not yet been recorded in history. An analysis conducted by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics indicates serious damage to the US labor market as a result of the COVID-19 infectious disease. At the end of November 2020 there were 9.8 million fewer people employed than in February (excluding agricultural work which is of a seasonal nature) [https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/12/covid19-pandemic-usa- employment-inequality /, status on 03/27/2021]. In 2020, the US national unemployment rate was at 3.6% in January and reached a record 14.7% in April. It has dropped dramatically since then, to around 6.7% in November, but the recovery has been uneven for women and black people, Latinos and young people - still experiencing high levels of unemployment. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the number of long-term unemployed has been growing steadily [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/dec/31/us-unemployment-december-coronavirus as of 03/27/2021]. An analysis of government data from the Pew Research Center shows that job losses during the pandemic hit workers in low-wage jobs particularly hard [https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/02/10/unemployed -americans-are-feeling-the-emotional-strain-of-job-loss-most-have-considered-changing-occupations /, as of 27/03/2021]. From December 2019 to December 2020, the percentage decline in employment in low-wage occupations was more than twice as high as in occupations with average wages (-12.5% vs. -5.3%) while employment in high-wage occupations slightly increased in this period [https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/02/10/unemployed-americans-are-feeling-the-emotional-strain-of-job-loss-most-have-considered-changing- occupations /, as of 27/03/2021]. An estimated 20 million people have lost their jobs in the United States. The data was downloaded from the website: https://www.bls.gov/ to conduct the research. They were grouped, inferred and ranked. The last stage of the research was the calculation of unemployment rates in four groups of dependent variables and outlining a bar chart by applying the ranking with the use of the median in four groups of observed variables.


1970 ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk ◽  
D. Puhachova-Lakishyk

The article examines the formation of the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy at the beginning of the Cold War. The focus is on determining the vectors of the United States in relation to the spatial priorities of the US foreign policy, the particular interests in the respective regions, the content of means and methods of influence for the realization of their own geopolitical interests. It is argued that the main regions that the United States identified for itself in the early postwar years were Europe, the Middle and Far East, and the Middle East and North Africa were the peripheral ones (attention was also paid to Latin America). It is stated that the most important priorities of American foreign policy were around the perimeter of the zone of influence of the USSR, which entered the postwar world as an alternative to the US center  of power. Attention is also paid to US foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan and the 4th Point Program, which have played a pivotal role inshaping American foreign policy in the postwar period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
A. A. Sidorov

Signing of the Japanese Instrument of Surrender on September 2, 1945 had formally ended the most destructive and bloody war in the history of mankind. Even before that a new balance of power on the international arena began to form, that would persist for almost half a century. At the same time, it was obvious from the outright that the Allies had very different views on how the post-war world order should look like. Traditionally, both Russian and foreign academic literature focused on their disputes regarding the German question. This paper provides a brief overview of the US Department of State planning and recommendation process for the post-war reconstruction of Japan in 1939–1945, which had eventually led to the formation of the socalled San Francisco subsystem of international relations. The first section of the paper outlines the challenges faced by the State Department when it came to planning the post-war architecture of the Far East. In that regard, the author pays particular attention to the staff shortage, which forced the Department of State to strengthen partnership with private research organizations and involve them in long-term planning.The author emphasizes that if before the United States entered the war the US planners adopted a rather tough stance on Japan, after the attack on Pearl Harbor their approaches paradoxically changed. The second section examines the contradictions and tensions between those politicians and experts who believed that in the establishment of the post-war order in the Far East the US should cooperate with China, and those who promoted rapprochement with Japan. These groups were unofficially referred to as the ‘Chinese team’ and the ‘Japanese crowd’ accordingly. The paper shows that as the end of the war approached, these contradictions gradually faded into the background. The needs to promote the interdepartmental cooperation and to reconcile the positions of the State Department, the Military and Naval Ministries on the future of Japan came to the fore. This work resulted in a series of memoranda, which laid the foundation for the US post-war policy towards Japan. In conclusion the author provides a general assessment of the strategic decision-making process in the United States during wartime and emphasizes its consistency, thoroughness and flexibility. As a result, it enabled the US to achieve what seemed impossible: to turn Japan from an ardent adversary of the United States in the Pacific into one of its most reliable allies, and it remains such today.


CNS Spectrums ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (S10) ◽  
pp. 13-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Newcomer ◽  
Henry A. Nasrallah ◽  
Roger S. McIntyre ◽  
Charles H. Hennekens ◽  
Suzanne Vogel-Scibilia

Cardiovascular disease (CVD) remains the number one cause of death in the United States and most developed countries and is expected to remain so for much of this century. Rates of obesity have increased 2–4-fold over the last 2 decades in the US and this condition is linked with early development of hypertension, hyperlipidemia, diabetes, and atherosclerosis. The prevalence of diabetes is also increasing, and the rise of diabetes in young people 18–29 years of age was 40% in the period between 1990 and 2001. The World Heart Federation (WHF) has estimated that CVD will become the number one cause of death in the world by 2020, surpassing infectious disease in developing countries. Metabolic disorders are on the rise in general. However, as highlighted in the discussions presented in this supplement, patients with serious mental illness appear to represent a special population who are particularly vulnerable, with rates that surpass the general population.


Author(s):  
Joseph Heller

This chapter is dominated by John Foster Dulles, who navigated America’s foreign relations. His main idea was to prevent the Middle East from becoming a third cold war front, in addition to the Far East and western Europe. Israel, however, rejecting Dulles demand for border concessions, continued to press the US for a security guarantee, although its chances for implementation were nil. Israel’s retaliatory acts against Jordan reduced US confidence in Israel’s strategic requirements. Anderson’s mission to Israel ended in failure, since Israel could not concede its basic interests. Israel’s attack on Egypt in cooperation with France and Britain rook the US bu surprise, but America acted immediately punish Israel by imposing financial sanctions. The failure of the Suez campaign left Israel with more isolated, and in danger that the Soviet-Arab combination, along with American apathy, might threaten its very existence.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


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