scholarly journals Menakar Cokroaminoto dalam Deretan Mufasir Nusantara

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
M. Wiyono

Abstrack: Tjokroaminoto is a National hero and one of the pioneers of Indonesia’s independence. He was born and raised in a religious family which, to some extent, has influenced his thought and political views and activities. One of the most prominent ideas of Tjokroaminoto is the concept of Islamic socialism that has been well illustrated in his monumental book entitled ‘Islam dan Socialism’. The book is a response of Tjokroaminoto toward Karl Marx’s socialism in the west and Pan-Islamism in Turkey. Tjokroaminoto, in his book, significantly cites Quranic verses and hadith as the argumentative foundation of Islamic socialism, particularly on the concept of equality, brotherhood, and discussion for convention (musyawarah) as the main value of democracy. Due to the significant amount of Quranic verses cited by Tjokroaminoto, one of Islamic universities in Jakarta classify ‘Islam and Socialism’ as an exegesis book in the region of Nusantara. This means that the author is a Mufassir (the writer of a commentary on Quran). However, this assumption needs a further research and investigation in order to assure that the work of Tjokroaminoto can be counted as Quranic exegesis book. The investigation may include testing the work toward the valid criteria of authentic and reliable Quranic exegesis work, in terms of its method, type, and other significant features..الملخص :كان جوكروامينوتو هو الرائد إبطال تحريرة جمهورية الاندونيسيا ، ولد ونشئ في بيئة أسرية دينية حتى تؤثر على أفكاره فى فعلية السياسية والأنشطة. إحداها من مؤلفته عن مفهوم الاشتراكية الإسلامية التى تصب في الرسالة المشهورة بعنوان “Islam dan Sosialisme” هذا الكتاب يتضمن استجابة جوكروامينوتو على الاشتراكية كارل ماركس (Karl Marx) التي عامت في الغربية والحركة الإسلامية (Pan-Islamisme ) في تركيا في وقت واحد. و نقل جوكروامينوتو في مؤلفته كثيرة من آيات القرآن والسنة فى حجته, خاصة فى الحوار المساواة والأخوة والمشاورة فى ممارسة الديمقراطية. ولأجل عدد كثير من الآيات التي نقلت في ذالك الكتاب كان إحدى كلية دراسة العليا بجاكرتا، والإسلام والاشتراكية يدخل في تأليف تفسير الإندونيسي (Tafsir Nusantara) إن كان هذا الكتاب يعد من كتب التفسير فالمؤلفه يسمى المفسر . لتحصيل إلى هذا المفهوم يحتج إلى التحقيق العلمية للتأكدة بأنه من كتب التفسير .  وفقا نظرية كتاب التفسير من طريقته و منهجه و لونه ووشروط المفسر التي يجب إستوفيهاAbstrak: Tjokroaminoto adalah konseptor sekaligus pahlawan perintis kemerdekaan republik Indonesia, ia lahir dan dibesarkan di dalam lingkungan keluarga yang sangat religius sehingga mempengaruhi pemikiran dan aktifitas politiknya. Salah satunya adalah konsep sosialisme Islam yang ia tuangkan dalam sebuah karya monumental berjudul ‘Islam dan Socialisme’. Buku tersebut merupakan respon Tjokroaminoto terhadap sosialisme Karl Marx yang berkembang di Barat, bersamaan dengan sosialisme tersebut, berkembang pula Pan-Islamisme di Turki pada masa itu. Tjokroaminoto di dalam bukunya tersebut banyak mengutip ayat-ayat al Qur'an dan Sunnah sebagai papan bantalan argumentasi sosialisme Islam, terutama dalam konsep persamaan, persaudaraan dan musyawarah sebagai praktik demokrasi. Banyaknya ayat-ayat yang dikutip tersebut sehingga di salah satu perguruan tinggi negeri di Jakarta, Islam dan Sosialisme dimasukkan dalam deretan karya ‘tafsir nusantara’ yang berarti pengarangya adalah seorang mufasir. Perlu interogasi ilmiah lebih jauh untuk memastikan apakah karya tersebut sesuai dengan teori kitab tafsir dikaji dari perspektif metode, corak dan syarat-syarat yang harus dipenuhi oleh mufasir.

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.


Author(s):  
Kristopher A. Teters

From the beginning of the war to the summer of 1862, officers in the West adopted policies toward fugitive slaves that ranged from barring them altogether from their lines to aggressively liberating them. In August 1861, Congress offered some guidance on the issue with the First Confiscation Act, but the act’s limited scope led to minimal confiscation or none at all by top officers. Sensitive to the sentiments of border states like Missouri, who supported the Union but wanted slavery preserved, Lincoln was not yet ready to push for emancipation. At times, however, officers in the Border South still carried out the First Confiscation Act, but much depended on the dispositions and political views of the officers. Some Union officers, like William T. Sherman, Henry Halleck, and Ulysses S. Grant, held conservative views and pushed back against letting fugitive slaves enter Union lines and confiscating slaves belonging to Unionists. Officers, particularly in states like Tennessee, Alabama, and Louisiana, had very different ideas about how to handle fugitive slaves, and they were willing to pursue them even if it meant conflict with each other, their superiors or subordinates, or Washington.


1991 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-592
Author(s):  
David Nicholson ◽  
Anthony Parsons ◽  
Oliver P. Ramsbotham ◽  
John Barnes ◽  
Michael Cox ◽  
...  

Capitalisms ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 251-276
Author(s):  
Joseph E. Inikori

This chapter traces the long-drawn-out development of capitalism in England, employing the conception of capitalism as a socio-economic system that goes back to Karl Marx and Max Weber. It argues that over the long period, two central factors drove the process: population growth and international/intercontinental trade. From 1086 to 1660, population growth and the wool trade (raw wool and woollen textile production for export to Europe and for the domestic market) were at the centre of the process. From 1660 to 1850, the process shifted decisively to the Atlantic world, partly, because mercantilist policies closed much of the European markets to English manufactures. England’s counties that dominated production for export to the rapidly growing Atlantic markets—Lancashire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, and the West Midlands—launched the Industrial Revolution and industrial capitalism in England.


1954 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Herz

DEEP crises in the life of a nation sometimes lay bare with lightning clarity those basic social ties, loyalties, and commitments which render possible some maintenance of order and control when everything seems about to break down or disappear. In 1945, year of the deepest crisis that the German people have undergone in modern times, groups and organizations like the Junkers or the Nazi Party simply vanished; others, like the military, disappeared at least temporarily or, like the industrialists, were gravely weakened. It was the bureaucracy which became the bedrock, the irreducible minimum of social cohesion upon which, first locally, then in larger units, society was rebuilt. Subsequently, confirmed in its traditional position of control by the occupation powers (certain measures of attempted political purge and technical reorganization notwithstanding), its actual power was enhanced by the innumerable tasks of postwar reconstruction, from the building-up of entire new administrations (in the new Länder as well as on the bi-zonal and then federal levels of government) to the handling of what has been aptly called the “universe of claims” arising out of Nazi, war, and postwar conditions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Durai Murugan S

Marxism, which produced the theory of communism, is very extensive. This field that originated in the West and grew up in Tamil novel literature, and Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are the founders of Marxism, which has the principle of equality for the working class. The theory of reflection is the theory that is primarily in the literary theories advanced by Marxism. That is, the class conflicts in society cause crises in human lives. The economic inequality in society is the primary cause of social contradiction. Struggles erupt when the bourgeoisie exploits the working people. This article seeks to examine the struggles in Tamil novels published in the 21st century.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (153) ◽  
pp. 24-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fintan Lane

Historians of socialist thought have rated the Irish political philosopher and radical economist William Thompson (1778–1833) as the most influential theorist to emerge from the Owenite movement in early nineteenth-century Britain. Indeed, Gregory Claeys has judged him to be that movement's ‘most analytical and original thinker ... and a writer whose subsequent influence upon the history of socialist economic thought has been long established’. Furthermore, stressing Thompson's democratic values, Claeys insists that the Irishman ‘may rightfully be considered the founder of a more traditionally republican form of British democratic socialism’. While Robert Owen is remembered for his ambitious co-operative experiments, he was not a theoretical or deeply reflective writer and his intellectual legacy was minimal. The Corkborn Thompson, on the other hand, wrote assiduously on the theory and practice of early socialism, reputedly influenced Karl Marx and became a key figure in the history of feminism; nonetheless, our knowledge of this important Irish intellectual remains deficient.


Author(s):  
M. Arbisora Angkat ◽  
Rizki Pradana Hidayatullah

Community Dedication is an activity of the academic community that utilizes science and technology to advance the welfare of the community and educate the nation's life. The academic community, in this case the lecturers, is required to be able to socialize with the community and be able to make a real contribution. One form of community service carried out is measuring the Qibla direction towards existing mosques. The measurement of the Qibla direction using science and technology is an attempt to strengthen the prayer service. The more accurate the measurement of the Qibla direction, the more stable the belief in praying. Syaikh Zainuddin Nahdlatul Wathan Bintan Islamic Boarding School is an Islamic Boarding School under the auspices of the Nahdlatul Wathan organization which was founded by Maulana Syaikh TGKH. Muhammad Zainuddin Abdul Madjid, a National Hero from Lombok - West Nusa Tenggara. This Islamic Boarding School is a new Islamic Boarding School category and is currently building various facilities including a mosque. The measurement of the Qibla direction of the Syaikh Zainuddin Mosque was carried out on February 11, 2021 with latitude data 01o 0.84’ south latitude, longitude 104o 30.67’ east longitude using the Falak Instrument, namely Aulatis. The position of the Qibla direction of the Syaikh Zainuddin Mosque is 23o 03’ 8.82” from the West point tilted to the North or 66o 56’ 51.18” from the North point tilted to the West or Qibla Azimut 293o 03’ 08.82” UTSB (North East South West)


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-57
Author(s):  
John J. Binder

The transportation revolution had several important effects on the antebellum political equilibrium. First, it caused western and southern political views to differ by bringing more easterners and European immigrants into the West. Second, it reduced the costs of rerouting western exports to the non-South, which decreased the expected costs to the West of conflict with the South. Third, it greatly increased western population, which brought more free states into the Union and changed the balance in the Senate. Fourth, it increased northern numerical superiority over the South, giving the North a major advantage if an armed conflict did occur. These changes led the West to ally with the East and caused the South to secede.


MANUSYA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-70
Author(s):  
Nipon Sasipanudej

This article aims to discuss how Gao Xingjian recontextualizes European dystopianism into China under Mao Zedong’s ideological manipulation of “utopia,” which the latter adopted from Karl Marx. The theme of absurd eternal waiting for a bus in Bus Stop is technically employed to criticize the Chinese dream of utopia and the idea of utopia itself as a whole. When the theme of waiting in Waiting for Godot is relocated into a Chinese context, it diverts from Western drama by means of Gao Xingjian's dramaturgical innovation as a blend of the East and the West. The absurdity in Bus Stop makes Chinese utopian desire fetishized as an eternal but ubiquitous zero, and becomes naked politics as utopia for desire and desire for utopia.


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