scholarly journals Media Education and the Practice of Democracy

2006 ◽  
Vol 2006 (Occasional Papers) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Robert Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Good Thing ◽  
General Consensus ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Political Weapon ◽  
Hearts And Minds

They do say that all ideas have their time, and in media education it seems that it is the time for democracy. Books and papers begin to appear and there are conferences with democracy in their titles to replace a focus on the postmodern, or identity. There seems to be a general consensus that democracy is a ‹good thing›. But, as with most other significant terms which hold centre stage for a while, they need to be interrogated with some care. For some more critical educators democracy takes its place alongside Gandhi’s comment when asked about Western Civilisation – he said it would be a good idea. The ‹practice› of democracy takes on a poignant, ironic, desperate or cynical cloak in the light of recent world events and the rise of terrorism as a political weapon. It depends where you stand. Democracy is not something that thrills the hearts and minds of the vast majority of citizens who live in nations who declare themselves to be democratic. Apathy and cynicism work together against democratic growth. But so do governments whose declared democratic aims pay scant attention to the people they are supposed to represent. And then there are the ‹democratic› exercises which supposedly involve the people in a conversation (‹we are listening› they say) which results in the status quo being implemented by politicians with morally superior physiognomies. After all, they say, we did ask your opinions. We did ask you to participate. And so democracy staggers from crisis to disaster...

scholarly journals A MÍDIA COMO INSTRUMENTO PARA A CONSTRUÇÃO DE CONSENSOS (THE MEDIA AS INSTRUMENT FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSENSUS) - Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/OlharProfr.v.11i2.253273

2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Índia Mara Aparecida Dalavia de Souza Holleben ◽  
Marlene Lucia Siebert Sapelli
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Agricultural Workers ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Educative Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media

A educação acontece em diferentes espaços. A mídia também é um desses espaços. Por isso, neste artigo, propusemo-nos a analisar algumas questões, que consideramos relevantes e que, em geral, ocultam a hegemonia de uma classe sobre a outra. No processo educativo que acontece por meio da mídia, há uma contribuição para fortalecer tal hegemonia. Isso comprova a não neutralidade da educação. A mídia tem se mostrado como partido ideológico da elite, e o poder que exerce neste espaço social pode ser definido como poder simbólico, atrelado intimamente ao poder econômico, político e, em alguns casos, até coercitivo. Para discutirmos a mídia como instrumento educativo, em favor da manutenção do status quo, optamos em fazê-lo apresentando como duas temáticas que são por ela tratadas: Gênero e o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Palavras-chave: Mídia. Educação. Consenso. Hegemonia. Gênero. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Education is settled in different places and the media is also one of these places. Therefore, in this article we propose to analyze some relevant questions that can usually hide the hegemony of a class on the other. In the educative process intermediated by the media, we can notice a contribution to empower this hegemony. This put in evidence the education no neutrality position. The media can be understood as an ideological political organization of the upper class and its power can be defined as a symbolic one, linked to the economic and politician forces and even acting, in some cases, as a coercion element. To discuss the media as an educative instrument, in favor of the of the status quo maintenance, we present two thematic that have been followed: Gender and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (The Movement of the Agricultural Workers With No Land).   Keywords: Media. Education. Consensus. Hegemony. Gender. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.

Marxism, Morality and Ideology the Marxist Moral Paradox and the Struggle for Social Justice

1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-239
Author(s):  
Mokgethi B.G. Mothlabi
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Moral Issue ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
Social Critique ◽  
The People ◽  
Property Owners ◽  
Working People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One

AbstractThere is a certain paradox inherent in Marx's criticism of morality. On the one hand, he rejects morality as a form of bourgeois ideology which serves mainly to justify the status quo. The status quo in question is one which is mainly detrimental to ordinary working people, while favouring property owners as well as owners of the means of production. In this sense Marx's condemnation of morality resembles his condemnation of religion, which he saw as the opium of the people. On the other hand, Marx employs morally significant language to challenge what he regards as the evils of capitalism and their destructive effects on the working class. It becomes clear from all this that capitalism cannot be seen as purely an economic matter. Insofar as it affects the lives and well-being of people, it is also a moral issue and deserves to be judged accordingly. How Marx steers between his seeming rejection of morality and, at the same time, using it to criticise capitalism is the main concern of this article. In the process, Marx's concept of ideology is explained while the focus and motivation of his social critique is also briefly considered.

Die Verfassung der Jakobiner von 1793 und ihr historischer Kontext

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Heyer
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Form ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
French Nation ◽  
The Revolution

On 10 August 1793, the French nation celebrated the adoption of the Constitution by the people in a gigantic procession. The Constitution of 1793 was not only an attempt to codify the status quo and the achievements of the Revolution, to cast it into a solid and fundamental form, to create a foundation on which to continue developing. It was also a reaction to the present, to the crises and catastrophes, to the internal and external war instigated by the bourgeoisie (the Gironde) and to the capitalist gifts bestowed on the poor and disenfranchised: hunger, need, misery and despair. Last but not least, the Constitution was the result of numerous debates and discussions, but above all of a multifaceted compromise. The democratic and emancipatory ideas of the Jacobin Constitution of 1793 have never again been achieved or implemented in any constituent society. Is this one of the reasons why the Jacobins around Robespierre are mostly demonised and reduced to the terror they supposedly created, in order to discredit the memory of their political visions and their humanist heritage?

scholarly journals Extirpating Inherently Biased Rote Approaches, Replacing them with Critical Thinking-Based Interpretation of Evidence

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rothschild BM ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Critical Thinking ◽  
Physical Anthropology ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Cognitive Effort ◽  
Scientific Methodology ◽  
Circular Reasoning ◽  
Major Step ◽  
Independent Validation ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status

Physical anthropology embraces a hunger for understanding the ecosphere in which we live, its impact on the life and health and our impact environmental signature. This has been pursued tenaciously, utilizing speculative approaches, with lesser attention to assuring adherence to fundamentals. The resulting perceptions of the environment and of the people therein, both contemporary and ancient, have been subject to a variety of biases. Although many are obvious and discussed in detail in this manuscript, it seems appropriate to question why they have persisted. What benefit does the biased individual gain? Certainly not advancement beyond circular reasoning, which itself reinforces the proponent and their philosophies. It certainly is easy to pursue studies and their promulgation by rote, minimizing cognitive effort expenditure. It is easier to pontificate a technique, than to pursue and assure its independent validation. It is easier to assume that students are performing correctly, without expending the rigor/time of/for actually testing fundamentals and assuring the validity of one’s own techniques. It is easier to stalwartly defend the status quo that has defined one’s life to date, than to subject it to potential modification and thus to consider critical thinking as an existential threat. Perhaps that explains apparent aversion to and attempts to block promulgation of evidence that application of scientific methodology to physical anthropology provides an opportunity for meaningful contributions beyond salvage work. The latter has value, but physical anthropology can offer much more. Extirpating the biases would be a major step in that direction and resurrect logos.

scholarly journals Social rights on hindu religion and untouchability towards politics and law

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-202
Author(s):  
Kanal Guvaherath ◽  
Eveli Mainatikau ◽  
Ell Casanne
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Hindu Religion ◽  
The People ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Act ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Politics And Law

Is it right or entrenched? The people of India have to make India a democratic republic and have freedom, power, and opportunity injustice, society, economy, politics, and religion The fraternity is to be fulfilled in order to achieve equality and the dignity of the individual and the integrity of the country and society. Baba Saheb Ambedkar aptly says that No matter how good a political act is a political law will certainly become bad if the rulers are bad. The constitution can be good if it is good for a political act.  The Indian nation has eight thousand castes. How can the fraternity and equality come into existence if a few people have tendency of superiority with the frenzied religion? It is not possible indifference shown in terms of birth, by the birth and the status quo.

scholarly journals The Radical Politics of Nation-States: The Case of President Rodrigo Duterte

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Ryan Baquero Maboloc
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Local Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Alternative Framework ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status

The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics” and the “political,” we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president’s critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy. 

scholarly journals Mediation from the Penalogical Viewpoint

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hossein Hajaryan ◽  
Iraj Golduzian ◽  
Ehsan Hajarian
Keyword(s):  
Low Cost ◽  
Criminal Liability ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
Legal Punishment ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes

Due to increasing population and heaviness of the judicial system's burden and high expense of referring to the courts for the people of society, the judicial system tries to settle disputes through traditional and low cost ways. Mediation is a body which has long history in settlement of disputes between persons but the use of mediation has advantages and disadvantages. As mediation cost is lower than cost of referring to court, the parties will prefer to use this body. Result of mediation creates liability for the criminal and although this liability has no predetermined legal punishment, it is criminal liability which is enacted by the nongovernmental persons under supervision of government for the status quo of the dispute. Punishment has had different function at different times. It sometimes had authoritarian function and was controlled by the states and sometimes had preventive-corrective function and aims to protect people against the offender's behavior. This article attempts to show purpose of the mediation result in societies. Key words:Mediation, Penal, Penology

Dialectics of Sovereignty, Compromise, and Equality in the Discourse on the “Tibetan Question”

boundary 2 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Tsering Wangmo Dhompa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Real Solution ◽  
The Status ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Cultural Project ◽  
East And West ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Since 1950, the Chinese government has determined the status and position of Tibetans, but it has not won the battle for Tibetans’ hearts and minds. Ongoing Tibetan resistance under Chinese rule points to serious fissures in the Chinese state’s ideological and cultural project of “liberating” Tibet. Wang Hui’s article “The ‘Tibetan Question’ East and West: Orientalism, Regional Ethnic Autonomy, and the Politics of Dignity” analyzes the March 2008 “riots” in and around Lhasa in order to understand the impediments to a real solution to the crisis in Tibet. This piece suggests that although Wang Hui offers productive ways of moving beyond the status quo, his analysis of Tibet is limited by multiple ideological contradictions that ultimately fail to lift Tibet out of the advanced/backward binary that typifies late nineteenth-century orientalism.

Pilihan Raya Kecil DUN Balakong 2018 di Malaysia: Praktik Politik Baru

Sains Insani ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Ariff Aizuddin Azlan ◽  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaacob ◽  
Fadhirul Hisham Aziz
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Consociational Democracy ◽  
National Organization ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
National Framework

Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 (PRU14) yang diadakan pada 9 Mei 2018 telah dinobatkan sebagai “ibu segala pilihan raya” di mana ia telah menyaksikan kejatuhan rejim autoritarian Barisan Nasional (BN) di peringkat nasional dan juga di beberapa peringkat negeri. Setelah berkuasa selama lebih dari separuh abad, parti dominan yang dikenali sebagai United Malays National Organization (UMNO) dilihat gagal untuk mempertahankan benteng politik mereka yang telah terbina sekian lama melalui proses demokrasi permuafakatan. Implikasi PRU14 jelas sekali menandakan bahawa majoriti rakyat dahagakan pembaharuan politik dan demi untuk merealisasikan agenda tersebut maka satu bentuk undi protes terhadap rejim BN telah dipamerkan. Kajian ini melihat fenomena dan gelagat politik baru melalui proses demokrasi yang dikenali sebagai pilihan raya kecil (PRK) yang berlaku pada pasca-Mei 2018 di Balakong, Selangor. Implikasi PRU14 itu bukan sahaja menunjukkan bahawa proses pendemokrasian itu tidak mustahil malah kajian ini berhujah bahawa terdapat beberapa fenomena politik baru yang berbangkit pada pasca-Mei 2018 itu melalui lensa PRK Balakong dan fenomena tersebut ditafsirkan melalui kerangka nasional. Walaupun terdapat beberapa kekangan politik yang dialami oleh kerajaan baru PH namun mereka masih berjaya mengekalkan status quo mereka. Abstract: The 14th General Election (GE14) which was held on May 9, 2018 had been perceived as the “mother of all elections” in which it had witnessed the downfall of authoritarian regime of Barisan Nasional (BN) at the national and state level. After being in a power for more than half a century, the dominant party of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) failed to preserve their electoral victory throughout the ideas of consociational democracy. The implications of the GE14 was a clear-cut indicator that the majority of the people favored a new political change and in order to achieve that particular objective, a vote of protest against the BN was exhibited. This study looks at the phenomenon of new political behaviour via a democratic means known as the by-election that took place in the post-authoritarian May 2018 in Balakong, Selangor. The implications of the GE14 suggested that the democratization is not impossible and this study argues that the Balakong by-election served as a platform for the emergence of new patterns of politics and that particular phenomenon was analyzed within a national framework. Even though the new government of Pakatan Harapan (PH) encountered some of political predicaments but the status quo was successfully retained.

La fusion des communes bruxelloises

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 731-741
Author(s):  
Maurice-Pierre Herremans
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Financial Difficulties ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Administrative Unit ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Second World

The idea of amalgamation for the Brussels municipalities is already an old one. In addition to the numerous parliamentary attempts to return to the situation of before 1795, when eight Brussels municipalities formed an administrative unit, there were also the Holvoet Report of 1936 and the establishment of the State Commissariat for the Large Agglomerations during the Second World War. In 1942, «Gross Brüssel» was created, but it was dissolved after the liberation. Except for the proposals of the Union of Cities, things remained rather quiet until the first amalgamation operation of 1971. Brussels was not involved in these amalgamation operations primarily because of the complexity of the Brussels problem over which the Flemish and the French speaking groups could not come to an agreement. The recent proposals can be placed into three categories : a complete amalgamation of the 19 municipalities into one entity, a partial amalgamation of 3 to 10 entities, the status quo. Since the amalgamation means an increase in the municipal expenses because of equalisation of the services in the sub-municipalities at a higher level, integral amalgamation of the present 19 municipalities offers no solution for the financial difficulties besetting these municipalities. In addition,this integral amalgamation solution generales negative reactions from the people of Brussel, who see in it a demand of the Flemish Movement.

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