scholarly journals Extirpating Inherently Biased Rote Approaches, Replacing them with Critical Thinking-Based Interpretation of Evidence

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rothschild BM ◽  

Physical anthropology embraces a hunger for understanding the ecosphere in which we live, its impact on the life and health and our impact environmental signature. This has been pursued tenaciously, utilizing speculative approaches, with lesser attention to assuring adherence to fundamentals. The resulting perceptions of the environment and of the people therein, both contemporary and ancient, have been subject to a variety of biases. Although many are obvious and discussed in detail in this manuscript, it seems appropriate to question why they have persisted. What benefit does the biased individual gain? Certainly not advancement beyond circular reasoning, which itself reinforces the proponent and their philosophies. It certainly is easy to pursue studies and their promulgation by rote, minimizing cognitive effort expenditure. It is easier to pontificate a technique, than to pursue and assure its independent validation. It is easier to assume that students are performing correctly, without expending the rigor/time of/for actually testing fundamentals and assuring the validity of one’s own techniques. It is easier to stalwartly defend the status quo that has defined one’s life to date, than to subject it to potential modification and thus to consider critical thinking as an existential threat. Perhaps that explains apparent aversion to and attempts to block promulgation of evidence that application of scientific methodology to physical anthropology provides an opportunity for meaningful contributions beyond salvage work. The latter has value, but physical anthropology can offer much more. Extirpating the biases would be a major step in that direction and resurrect logos.

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-880
Author(s):  
Kieran O'Halloran

Abstract I model a critical posthumanist pedagogy that uses text analysis software and is aimed at higher education students. A key purpose of the pedagogy is to help students enhance empathetic, critical and independent thinking. For their project assignment, the student chooses an unfamiliar campaign seeking to eliminate suffering and extend rights. They gather all texts from the campaign website into a corpus, which thus represents the campaign writ large. Then they use appropriate software to ascertain, efficiently and rigorously, common campaign concerns across this corpus. This puts students in a position to discern any significant concerns in the campaign corpus that are not addressed in text(s) supporting the status quo which the campaign opposes. Should significant omissions be found, students critically evaluate the status quo text(s) from the campaign’s perspective. Since this perspective derives from the student identifying (at least temporarily) with software generated data, it is a posthuman subjectivity. Engaging digitally and empathetically with a campaign’s data at scale for creation of a posthuman subjectivity can broaden awareness of disadvantage, discrimination, and suffering as well as expand horizons. Moreover, at the end of the assignment, the student is expected to formulate their own position vis-à-vis the previously unfamiliar campaign. Conditions have been created then for the student to enhance independent thinking too.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-239
Author(s):  
Mokgethi B.G. Mothlabi

AbstractThere is a certain paradox inherent in Marx's criticism of morality. On the one hand, he rejects morality as a form of bourgeois ideology which serves mainly to justify the status quo. The status quo in question is one which is mainly detrimental to ordinary working people, while favouring property owners as well as owners of the means of production. In this sense Marx's condemnation of morality resembles his condemnation of religion, which he saw as the opium of the people. On the other hand, Marx employs morally significant language to challenge what he regards as the evils of capitalism and their destructive effects on the working class. It becomes clear from all this that capitalism cannot be seen as purely an economic matter. Insofar as it affects the lives and well-being of people, it is also a moral issue and deserves to be judged accordingly. How Marx steers between his seeming rejection of morality and, at the same time, using it to criticise capitalism is the main concern of this article. In the process, Marx's concept of ideology is explained while the focus and motivation of his social critique is also briefly considered.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Heyer

On 10 August 1793, the French nation celebrated the adoption of the Constitution by the people in a gigantic procession. The Constitution of 1793 was not only an attempt to codify the status quo and the achievements of the Revolution, to cast it into a solid and fundamental form, to create a foundation on which to continue developing. It was also a reaction to the present, to the crises and catastrophes, to the internal and external war instigated by the bourgeoisie (the Gironde) and to the capitalist gifts bestowed on the poor and disenfranchised: hunger, need, misery and despair. Last but not least, the Constitution was the result of numerous debates and discussions, but above all of a multifaceted compromise. The democratic and emancipatory ideas of the Jacobin Constitution of 1793 have never again been achieved or implemented in any constituent society. Is this one of the reasons why the Jacobins around Robespierre are mostly demonised and reduced to the terror they supposedly created, in order to discredit the memory of their political visions and their humanist heritage?


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Heri Priyatmoko

Intisari:Tulisan ini membahas proses konflik tanah bengkok di Desa Telukan yang terjadi pada permulaan abad XXI. Masyarakat pedesaan dicitrakan komunitas yang tenang, jauh dari sikap kritis, dan hidup guyub rukun mendadak berubah dengan pecahnya konflik tanah bengkok. Tanah bengkok dipahami warga sebagai kekayaan desa yang harus dijaga dan umumnya berlokasi tidak jauh dari desa. Sengketa agraria ini dipicu oleh rasa ketidakpuasan masyarakat terhadap pamong desa dan tokoh masyarakat yang melakukan tukar guling tanah kas desa. Sebagian masyarakat merasa ditinggalkan oleh aparatur desa dalam mengambil keputusan penting itu. Akumulasi kekecewaan warga tersalurkan dengan membentuk organisasi Format dan melancarkan aksi demonstrasi yang digelar beberapa kali. Konflik tanah ini menyebabkan kehidupan desa sempat memanas dan masyarakat terbelah dalam beberapa kubu, yaitu mendukung ruislag, menolak, dan netral. Konflik atau ketegangan sosial merembet di ranah politik yang tercermin dalam pemilihan kepala desa dan Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD). Kelompok yang bersengketa masing-masing mengajukan jagonya demi memenangkan kasus tukar guling. Kenyataan ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik tanah telah berimbas pada kehidupan sosial-politik masyarakat. Abstract: This paper discusses the conflict of tanah bengkok (communal land managed by the village government) in Telukan village in early 21st century. Villagers are depicted as calm and peaceful communities and lack of critical thinking. However, the hamonious life in Telukan village suddenly became a chaos due to the conflict related to tanah bengkok. The people recognize tanah bengkok as a property of the village that needs to be preserved. This land is usually located close to the village. Agrarian dispute was triggered by the lost of trust toward the village leaders and public figures who were supposed to conduct the ruislag of tanah bengkok. Some villagers felt that they were not involved in taking communal decisions by their leaders. The people’s disappoinment triggering them to established an organisation and several demonstrations. The community was divided into several groups: those who support the ruislag, those who refuse, and status quo. This conflict was spread to the political sphere, showed in the election of Kepala Desa (head of village) and Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (Village’s Representative Board). The disputing groups chose their own representatives in order to win the ruislag case. This signifies the evidences that the agrarian dispute impacted on the people’s socio-political lives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-202
Author(s):  
Kanal Guvaherath ◽  
Eveli Mainatikau ◽  
Ell Casanne

Is it right or entrenched? The people of India have to make India a democratic republic and have freedom, power, and opportunity injustice, society, economy, politics, and religion The fraternity is to be fulfilled in order to achieve equality and the dignity of the individual and the integrity of the country and society. Baba Saheb Ambedkar aptly says that No matter how good a political act is a political law will certainly become bad if the rulers are bad. The constitution can be good if it is good for a political act.  The Indian nation has eight thousand castes. How can the fraternity and equality come into existence if a few people have tendency of superiority with the frenzied religion? It is not possible indifference shown in terms of birth, by the birth and the status quo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Ryan Baquero Maboloc

The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics” and the “political,” we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president’s critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hossein Hajaryan ◽  
Iraj Golduzian ◽  
Ehsan Hajarian

Due to increasing population and heaviness of the judicial system's burden and high expense of referring to the courts for the people of society, the judicial system tries to settle disputes through traditional and low cost ways. Mediation is a body which has long history in settlement of disputes between persons but the use of mediation has advantages and disadvantages. As mediation cost is lower than cost of referring to court, the parties will prefer to use this body. Result of mediation creates liability for the criminal and although this liability has no predetermined legal punishment, it is criminal liability which is enacted by the nongovernmental persons under supervision of government for the status quo of the dispute. Punishment has had different function at different times. It sometimes had authoritarian function and was controlled by the states and sometimes had preventive-corrective function and aims to protect people against the offender's behavior. This article attempts to show purpose of the mediation result in societies. Key words:Mediation, Penal, Penology


Sains Insani ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Ariff Aizuddin Azlan ◽  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaacob ◽  
Fadhirul Hisham Aziz

Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 (PRU14) yang diadakan pada 9 Mei 2018 telah dinobatkan sebagai “ibu segala pilihan raya” di mana ia telah menyaksikan kejatuhan rejim autoritarian Barisan Nasional (BN) di peringkat nasional dan juga di beberapa peringkat negeri. Setelah berkuasa selama lebih dari separuh abad, parti dominan yang dikenali sebagai United Malays National Organization (UMNO) dilihat gagal untuk mempertahankan benteng politik mereka yang telah terbina sekian lama melalui proses demokrasi permuafakatan. Implikasi PRU14 jelas sekali menandakan bahawa majoriti rakyat dahagakan pembaharuan politik dan demi untuk merealisasikan agenda tersebut maka satu bentuk undi protes terhadap rejim BN telah dipamerkan. Kajian ini melihat fenomena dan gelagat politik baru melalui proses demokrasi yang dikenali sebagai pilihan raya kecil (PRK) yang berlaku pada pasca-Mei 2018 di Balakong, Selangor. Implikasi PRU14 itu bukan sahaja menunjukkan bahawa proses pendemokrasian itu tidak mustahil malah kajian ini berhujah bahawa terdapat beberapa fenomena politik baru yang berbangkit pada pasca-Mei 2018 itu melalui lensa PRK Balakong dan fenomena tersebut ditafsirkan melalui kerangka nasional. Walaupun terdapat beberapa kekangan politik yang dialami oleh kerajaan baru PH namun mereka masih berjaya mengekalkan status quo mereka. Abstract: The 14th General Election (GE14) which was held on May 9, 2018 had been perceived as the “mother of all elections” in which it had witnessed the downfall of authoritarian regime of Barisan Nasional (BN) at the national and state level. After being in a power for more than half a century, the dominant party of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) failed to preserve their electoral victory throughout the ideas of consociational democracy. The implications of the GE14 was a clear-cut indicator that the majority of the people favored a new political change and in order to achieve that particular objective, a vote of protest against the BN was exhibited. This study looks at the phenomenon of new political behaviour via a democratic means known as the by-election that took place in the post-authoritarian May 2018 in Balakong, Selangor. The implications of the GE14 suggested that the democratization is not impossible and this study argues that the Balakong by-election served as a platform for the emergence of new patterns of politics and that particular phenomenon was analyzed within a national framework. Even though the new government of Pakatan Harapan (PH) encountered some of political predicaments but the status quo was successfully retained.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 731-741
Author(s):  
Maurice-Pierre Herremans

The idea of amalgamation for the Brussels municipalities is already an old one. In addition to the numerous parliamentary attempts to return to the situation of before 1795, when eight Brussels municipalities formed an administrative unit, there were also the Holvoet Report of 1936 and the establishment of the State Commissariat for the Large Agglomerations during the Second World War. In 1942, «Gross Brüssel» was created, but it was dissolved after the liberation. Except for the proposals of the Union of Cities, things remained rather quiet until the first amalgamation operation of 1971. Brussels was not involved in these amalgamation operations primarily because of the complexity of the Brussels problem over which the Flemish and the French speaking groups could not come to an agreement. The recent proposals can be placed into three categories : a complete amalgamation of the 19 municipalities into one entity, a partial amalgamation of 3 to 10 entities, the status quo. Since the amalgamation means an increase in the municipal expenses because of equalisation of the services in the sub-municipalities at a higher level, integral amalgamation of the present 19 municipalities offers no solution for the financial difficulties besetting these municipalities. In addition,this integral amalgamation solution generales negative reactions from the people of Brussel, who see in it a demand of the Flemish Movement.


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