scholarly journals RURAL WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH LOCAL DEMOCRACY IN INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF GRAM PANCHAYATS IN UTTAR DINAJPUR DISTRICT OF WEST BENGAL

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (01) ◽  
pp. 1065-1073
Author(s):  
Mithun Chandra Sarkar ◽  

The paper attempts to analyze the praxis of women empowerment and womens political participation of some Gram Panchayats in Uttar Dinajpur rural areas. In present times, the empowerment of women has become one of the most important concerns of the 21st century because of their right to participate in political processes which also impact their family and in turn the society. Many countries are attempting to increase womens political participation and leadership in civil society and now political parties want more women to join in political activities. Women around the world are still largely absent from national and local decision-making procedures. Globally about 20% of women participate in political activities, for women it is very difficult to participate in the civic and political life of their countries due to lack of support and gender discrimination. Strengthening womens rights and addressing obstacles to political participation are critical to achieving gender justice, equality, and women empowerment.

Intersections ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dániel Oross ◽  
Andrea Szabó

Similarly to with the debate in western societies, concern about the disengagement of young people in political life is present in Hungarian politics. Traditional party-based politics is less and less appealing to younger cohorts of Hungarian society. However, empirical evidence supports the claim that university students are the most politically active strata of society, and online political participation has been identified as a potential avenue for connecting young people to politics. The present paper aims to reveal whether the characteristics of those students who are active online differ significantly from the background characteristics of students who take part in offline activities. In order to describe university students’ activity in online forms of participation and assess the chronological trends thereof, the paper uses data that covers the period between 2015 and 2019 – i.e. research rounds three and four of the dataset collected by Active Youth in Hungary Research. We use latent class analysis (LCA) to assess whether individuals who participate most actively in traditional offline activities are also those who are most active in terms of online participation. The results of the research reveal that distinct groups of university students are drawn to specialize in online versus offline repertoires of political participation, indicating that online political activities are not exclusively the purview of those who are most active in traditional offline activities.


LAW REVIEW ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangita Laha

Women have been struggling for self-respect and autonomy. Although women constitute one half of the population, they continue to be subjugated, unequal in socioeconomic and political status.There have been several attempts to improve the position of women since India got independence in 1947. Since mid-1980 owing to questioning by women themselves about their oppressed status and plight through varied women’s movements, the issue of ‘women empowerment’ came into focus. The Government of India declared the year 2001 as year for the ‘Empowerment of Women’, but the struggle to reach this stage has been long and arduous. . It has also resulted in the entry of a large number of women in decision-making bodies in rural areas, who were otherwise homemakers. Political participation and grassroots democracy have been strengthened considerably by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment that has created new democratic institutions for local governance yet t women are facing the various problem in the functioning of panchayats. After getting the reservation in the panchayats, they are still depending on their husband or other male members of their family. So for knowing the status of women in the all level of panchayats in India, this paper is based on the secondary data and deals with the political participation and representation of the rural women in the panchayats in India. The theoretical perspective of the evolution of the panchayati raj system in India and the journey of the women in the local governance has also been explained in the study.Several factors which responsible for women’s low participation have been dealt with.In this context, the paper tries to analyse the government initiative for women’s empowerment in the Panchyats, an opportunity to come forward through reservation and highlighting the factors which overtly or covertly tend to prevent women members from performing their roles. Some necessary steps for empowering the women have been suggested.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrine Beauregard

This paper proposes to investigate the influence of legislative quotas on gender differences in political participation by analyzing the within- and across-country effects of quotas. Gender quotas can signal to women that their presence in politics is welcome, leading to a subsequent increase in their involvement in political activities. This change in political behavior should not be reproduced in men; thus, when gender quotas are present, the gap between men’s and women’s participation narrows. Using the European Values Survey and data from eighteen European democracies, this paper demonstrates that this indeed occurs for some political activities when gender gaps are compared before and after the introduction of quotas within countries. This result, however, is not replicated for across-country analyses. European countries without legislative gender quotas tend to have smaller gender gaps than countries with them. This result is explained by referring to the context of the adoption of gender quotas.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman H. Nie ◽  
G. Bingham Powell ◽  
Kenneth Prewitt

Economic development has consequences for many aspects of social life. Some of these social consequences, in turn, have an impact on a nation's political life. Studies of social mobilization, for example, have demonstrated that economic development is associated with sharp increases in the general level of political participation. These studies report strong relationships between aggregate socio-economic measures such as per capita income, median level of education, and percentage of the population in urban areas, on one hand, and aggregate measures of political participation, such as voting turnout, on the other. Simultaneously, scholars conducting surveys of individual political participation consistently have reported that an individual's social status, education, and organizational memberships strongly affect the likelihood of his engaging in various types of political activities.In spite of the consistency of both sets of findings across many studies and although the findings appear frequently in analysis of political stability, democracy, and even strategies of political growth, we know little about the connections between social structure and political participation. With few exceptions the literature on individual participation is notable for low level generalizations (the better educated citizen talks about politics more regularly), and the absence of systematic and comprehensive theory. While the literature on the growth of national political participation has been more elaborate theoretically, the dependence on aggregate measures has made it difficult to determine empirically how these macro social changes structure individuals' life experiences in ways which alter their political behavior.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (9) ◽  
pp. 6-12
Author(s):  
N. O. Kodatska

The article describes the main gender features of the implementation of political activities. We study the gender analysis as a process of assessing the different impact on women and men, which is implemented by existing or planned programs, legislation, public policy directions, in all spheres of society and the state. Moreover, the research proves the existence in society of discrimination based on sex, which means acts or omissions that express any distinction, exclusion or privilege on the basis of sex if they are intended to restrict or make it impossible to recognize, use or exercise on an equal basis human rights and freedoms for women and men. The article analyzes gender stereotypes in the social and political sphere that carried out on the example of a gender portrait of the Dnepropetrovsk region. Therefore, various forms of political activity are considered as a set of actions of individuals and social groups aimed at realizing their own political interests. We explore the effectiveness of the implementation of gender policy, which is manifested in the actions of political actors aimed at the adoption of the partnership of the sexes in the definition and implementation of political goals, objectives and methods for their achievement. It was stated that in the process of the democratic development of Ukrainian society, a social order for women engaged in active public and political activities and capable of holding high management positions should be met. This work reveals that the necessary component of the process of social development is the conduct of gender analysis, the introduction of gender analysis in the practice of assessing all social processes and the effectiveness of management of socio-economic and political development.In addition, the study proves that prerequisite for the development of society is gender equality, that is, the equal legal status of women and men and equal opportunities for its implementation, which allows individuals of both sexes to participate equally in all spheres of society’s life. Also noted that the existence of gender inequality slows down the opportunities for economic growth, weakens the system of public administration and reduces the effectiveness of human development strategies. Therefore, careful study of the gender features of contemporary political life and the definition of the directions of further social development is an important condition for ensuring gender parity in various spheres of Ukrainian society. Accordingly, we determine that it is necessary to reduce the influence on the public consciousness of gender stereotypes, that is, stereotypes about the role and place of women and men in society having a cultural and historical basis and, in the majority, restricting the rights of women in society and generating gender discrimination. The article demonstrates that the peculiarities of modern political processes require the search for new approaches to explain and predict the various conflicts between the branches of power, political crises, in order to design policies and to choose the means of state policy.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-60
Author(s):  
David Madland

This chapter steps back from policy reform to provide the building blocks to support the book's claim that unions can help address the economic and political challenges facing the United States. It highlights America's troubles — stagnant wages, extreme inequality, low trust, racism, and a weakened democracy — and the reasons why unions might be expected to help solve them. It then presents theory and evidence showing what unions do to raise wages, reduce economic inequality, increase political participation, and make politicians more responsive to ordinary citizens, as well as how they help reduce racial and gender discrimination and rebuild societal trust. It also discusses how unions achieve these goals with little to no harm to the overall economy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Marinescu ◽  
Bianca Mitu

AbstractThe civic and political participation is considered to be central to the concept of democracy and it is particularly relevant in the context of contemporary democracies. The participation of citizens in civic or political activities has been a constitutive element of democracy since ancient times. Any dis-cussion of participation needs to acknowledge the space within which the citizens engage. This article will focus on the online engagement and online civic and political participation. The existing studies in literature focus on the analysis of the online election campaigns [Klotz 2005; Xenos, Foot 2005], on the study of the characteristics of the individuals who engage in on-line and off-line activities [Rice, Katz 2004; Weber 2003] or on the identification of the role of the media as a main information source for the voters [Ramie 2005]. This article aims to analyze the main features of the use of new media in political life and the relation between new media and civil society in Romania during 2004-2012. Also the article aims to provide and answer to the following questions: Which were the main characteristics of the usage of new media during the Romanian electoral campaigns 2004-2008/2009? How is the Internet used in the civic life during the non-electoral periods in Romania?


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
A. R. Agababov ◽  
R. A. Lyovochkin

The article examines the main forms and socio-cultural features of the participation of Muslim youth in Scotland in non-institutional politics. As their research goal, the authors chose to identify the mechanisms through which political processes specific to the Scottish context (different from the general British or, for example, the English context) generate various forms of political participation of young adherents of Islam. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a significant layer of empirical data (mainly Scottish), comprehended through an interpretive paradigm, which allowed the authors to analyze the non-institutionalized political experience of young Muslims, finding patterns in how Muslim youth perceive and construct the social world around them. The result of the study was an understanding that the strengthening of the “Islamic factor” in the social and political life of Scotland is explained not only by the growth of the Muslim population, but also by the obvious support that the Scottish authorities provide to adherents of Islam. According to the authors, the issue of national and state independence, the specificity of Scottish nationalism, the attractiveness of the political platform of the Scottish National Party for ethno-confessional minorities became the most important primary factors that predetermined the active entry of Scottish Muslim youth into politics. The main conclusion in this article was the idea that the specific socio-political and sociocultural contexts of Scotland create appropriate forms of political participation of young Muslims. Despite the prevailing opinion that Scottish Muslim youth are interested mainly in international events, the authors show a clearly traceable institutional and non-institutional involvement of young Muslims in national and local political issues in Scotland. According to the authors, the non-institutional political participation of young Scottish followers of Islam is manifested in such forms as social movements, activism and charity, and volunteer work.


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