Social Structure and Political Participation: Developmental Relationships, Part I

1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman H. Nie ◽  
G. Bingham Powell ◽  
Kenneth Prewitt

Economic development has consequences for many aspects of social life. Some of these social consequences, in turn, have an impact on a nation's political life. Studies of social mobilization, for example, have demonstrated that economic development is associated with sharp increases in the general level of political participation. These studies report strong relationships between aggregate socio-economic measures such as per capita income, median level of education, and percentage of the population in urban areas, on one hand, and aggregate measures of political participation, such as voting turnout, on the other. Simultaneously, scholars conducting surveys of individual political participation consistently have reported that an individual's social status, education, and organizational memberships strongly affect the likelihood of his engaging in various types of political activities.In spite of the consistency of both sets of findings across many studies and although the findings appear frequently in analysis of political stability, democracy, and even strategies of political growth, we know little about the connections between social structure and political participation. With few exceptions the literature on individual participation is notable for low level generalizations (the better educated citizen talks about politics more regularly), and the absence of systematic and comprehensive theory. While the literature on the growth of national political participation has been more elaborate theoretically, the dependence on aggregate measures has made it difficult to determine empirically how these macro social changes structure individuals' life experiences in ways which alter their political behavior.

Author(s):  
Agita Livina ◽  
Sarmite Rozentale

INTRODUCTION The article intends to identify the factors that can retain talented people and attract new talent in small and medium-sized urban areas of European scale, especially in regions with declining and ageing populations. The problem is topical in today's Europe and as well as in Japan. It is equally important to understand the skills needed and the sectors where talents are required in small and medium-sized urban areas with an ascending development trend. The theoretical background of the research is based on literature studies on the theory of talent flow, knowing the factors of the talent flow in small and medium-sized cities, and building the talent flow models based on them. The article discusses the concept of talent (Michaels et al. 2001, several dictionaries, understanding of Valmiera residents). The researchers define that talented people fascinate others, create and implement ideas and have good reasoning skills. Until now, mainly in Europe and in the USA, the attraction of talent at the level of cities and regions has been implemented through migration policy. The administrative boundaries where the migrant talents come from are not as important as the factors that encourage the decisions on the choice of the place of living and work. In Estonia a National Policy for Attracting and Retaining International Talents (2014) has been developed. The findings of the report on models for attracting talent in Europe through the public sector are relevant to small and medium-sized urban areas. In the case study, there are no respondents representing a migrant group that is not a diaspora, and this is a specific feature of a small and medium-sized urban area. MATERIALS AND METHODS The empirical part has been developed through a study in Valmiera City (Latvia, Europe) with a population of 23 thousand inhabitants, aiming at increasing this number by 5000 and further boosting growth  in the city's competitiveness in human resources. A survey of 25 experts was conducted initially to highlight the trends. In order to obtain the data, 29 interviews were conducted with the city's entrants, outgoing residents and the steady, already stable and welcoming residents of Valmiera. Also, an online survey of 81 university graduates was carried out to find out the major reasons for staying in or leaving the regional city of Valmiera. The research city of Valmiera was compared to Ventspils, Rezekne and Jelgava in Latvia, as well as to two foreign cities in Northern Europe – the nearest neighbouring city of Tartu in Estonia and Joensuu in Finland. The cities were compared by socio-economic factors - population dynamics, economic development, access to culture, and political stability, which are important factors in attracting talent. The research methodology is based on the theoretical findings of Ingram, Shapiro, Albouy on the impact of four dimensions in talent attraction: economic development, market competition, labour market conditions and national culture, as well as the impact of lifestyle on choice. According to these dimensions, interview questions have been developed, and, by grouping the content, the analysis of the responses has been carried out. The previous study by the authors has been used as a secondary source. The study focused on the future skills needed for the labour force in the Vidzeme region in Latvia, and the compliance of the proposed education with the labour market requirements in the Vidzeme region of Latvia. RESULTS The results of the research show that a job offer providing the applicant the  possibility to demonstrate his capacity and pursue his or her objectives is of primary importance for the recruitment of skilled labour in a winning city in a rural area, followed by the appropriate housing and transport, and social infrastructure. As a secondary factor, lifestyle, which includes diversity, cultural environment, architecture and the presence of the natural environment, is important. The importance of the factors of attraction varies according to the stage of human life. DISCUSSION The results of the interviews show that small and medium-sized urban areas have the potential to attract talented human resources, taking into account the key attraction factors described in the theory. The empirical analysis in the example of Valmiera reveals that a significant attraction factor in small and medium urban areas is social ties with the area. The labour market demand is also an important factor. The results of the research revealed that in certain occupational groups in Valmiera (such as managers, social sciences in general), the labour market demand is lower than the supply. In further research it would be necessary to carry out focus group interviews with migrants in small and medium-sized urban areas in order to find out the important factors in taking a decision on their choice of residence. CONCLUSION Small and medium-sized urban areas need to develop diversity and openness. This initiative needs to be strengthened both in the operation and investments of a municipality and in communication with the public. Virtually all of the examples discussed refer to migration as inevitable in attracting talent – highly skilled people.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 808-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman H. Nie ◽  
G. Bingham Powell ◽  
Kenneth Prewitt

Mass political participation increases as nations become more economically developed. In Part I of this study we attempted to identify the significant social experiences which explain the high levels of participation in economically developed nations. We formulated and explored the following general theory:Economic development alters the social structure of a nation. As nations become more economically developed, three major changes occur: (1) the relative size of the upper and middle classes becomes greater; (2) larger numbers of citizens are concentrated in the urban areas; and (3) the density and complexity of economic and secondary organizations increases. These social changes imply political changes. Greater proportions of the population find themselves in life situations which lead to increased political information, political awareness, sense of personal political efficacy, and other relevant attitudes. These attitude changes, in turn, lead to increases in political participation.The theory can be presented schematically in the following form:We were able to demonstrate that individuals' levels of social status and organizational involvement were strongly and consistently related to their levels of political participation. The survey data from five nations showed, further, that organizational involvement was more strongly related to participation, and more consistently from nation to nation, than was social status.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Marinescu ◽  
Bianca Mitu

AbstractThe civic and political participation is considered to be central to the concept of democracy and it is particularly relevant in the context of contemporary democracies. The participation of citizens in civic or political activities has been a constitutive element of democracy since ancient times. Any dis-cussion of participation needs to acknowledge the space within which the citizens engage. This article will focus on the online engagement and online civic and political participation. The existing studies in literature focus on the analysis of the online election campaigns [Klotz 2005; Xenos, Foot 2005], on the study of the characteristics of the individuals who engage in on-line and off-line activities [Rice, Katz 2004; Weber 2003] or on the identification of the role of the media as a main information source for the voters [Ramie 2005]. This article aims to analyze the main features of the use of new media in political life and the relation between new media and civil society in Romania during 2004-2012. Also the article aims to provide and answer to the following questions: Which were the main characteristics of the usage of new media during the Romanian electoral campaigns 2004-2008/2009? How is the Internet used in the civic life during the non-electoral periods in Romania?


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (01) ◽  
pp. 1065-1073
Author(s):  
Mithun Chandra Sarkar ◽  

The paper attempts to analyze the praxis of women empowerment and womens political participation of some Gram Panchayats in Uttar Dinajpur rural areas. In present times, the empowerment of women has become one of the most important concerns of the 21st century because of their right to participate in political processes which also impact their family and in turn the society. Many countries are attempting to increase womens political participation and leadership in civil society and now political parties want more women to join in political activities. Women around the world are still largely absent from national and local decision-making procedures. Globally about 20% of women participate in political activities, for women it is very difficult to participate in the civic and political life of their countries due to lack of support and gender discrimination. Strengthening womens rights and addressing obstacles to political participation are critical to achieving gender justice, equality, and women empowerment.


1972 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clark Edwards ◽  
Robert Coltrane

A disproportionately large share of our economic development problems, involving maldistributions of population, employment, and income, is found in rural areas. Although these problems directly affect the residents of rural areas, they are linked to economic problems in urban areas. Per capita income comparisons indicate the differential effects of economic development on the population. For example, per capita incomes of residents outside metropolitan areas are only about 71 percent of those in the orban-oriented ones. In addition, about one-third of all families live in nonmetropolitan areas, but over half of all low income families live there. Further, large geographic areas such as the Appalachian, Mississippi Delta, and Ozark regions are below the Nation as a whole in terms of the general level of economic development. Even in the urban centers of these rural regions, the average resident has not commensurately participated in the benefits derived from our Nation's economic development and growth. Comparisons of per capita income for different years show these maldistributions have persisted for decades.


2021 ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Gauthier de Beco

This chapter examines the right to political participation. It exposes the persistent lack of protection of disabled people’s political rights, including denial of the right to vote for those with cognitive impairments. It analyses what the CRPD requires in order for all disabled people to be able to exercise their voting rights and what it provides beyond the mere act of voting so as to encourage participation in ‘the conduct of public affairs’. It goes on to explain why the inclusion of disabled people in political life is a matter for the whole population and why there is no reason for denying the right to vote to any particular group. It also explores how to achieve political participation more broadly through real engagement in political activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Nguyet Thu

Each ethnic minority (EM) living in Hanoi city has its own customs, cultural nuances, at the same time also inherits and is influenced by other ethnic cultures. However, all are hard-working, creative in productive labor, united together to build the city and the country. Therefore, the implementation of Hanoi's ethnic policy has achieved quite comprehensive results in all fields of social life. However, the living standards of people in this region are still quite far away from the urban areas, slow economic restructuring, labor productivity, product quality have not met market requirements... Discussing the reasons from the real life, to propose solutions to ethnic policies are really leverage for socio-economic development in the mountainous ethnic minority areas of Hanoi city to be the desires that this article is mentioned.


Intersections ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dániel Oross ◽  
Andrea Szabó

Similarly to with the debate in western societies, concern about the disengagement of young people in political life is present in Hungarian politics. Traditional party-based politics is less and less appealing to younger cohorts of Hungarian society. However, empirical evidence supports the claim that university students are the most politically active strata of society, and online political participation has been identified as a potential avenue for connecting young people to politics. The present paper aims to reveal whether the characteristics of those students who are active online differ significantly from the background characteristics of students who take part in offline activities. In order to describe university students’ activity in online forms of participation and assess the chronological trends thereof, the paper uses data that covers the period between 2015 and 2019 – i.e. research rounds three and four of the dataset collected by Active Youth in Hungary Research. We use latent class analysis (LCA) to assess whether individuals who participate most actively in traditional offline activities are also those who are most active in terms of online participation. The results of the research reveal that distinct groups of university students are drawn to specialize in online versus offline repertoires of political participation, indicating that online political activities are not exclusively the purview of those who are most active in traditional offline activities.


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