scholarly journals MODERNIZATION OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY OF DERBENT BY THE GOVERNMENT OF PETER THE GREAT

2016 ◽  
pp. 69-73
Author(s):  
N. A. Magomedov ◽  
Sh. A. Magaramov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Oil Production ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
The West ◽  
Domestic Production ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

In aim of the article is to show the policy of the government of Peter the Great in modernization of natural and economic resources of Derbent and its district. On the basis of the analysis of written and literary references the main actions for the development and modernization of the natural and economic resources of the Derbent region ofDagestanare studied. Plans for reconstruction of Derbent trade harbor in view of its important economic and strategic importance had a more large-scale and consecutive character. The research shows that former trade value of the city was restored, it became involved in the Russian east trade on the west bank of theCaspian Sea. Besides, as a result of complex measures, the economy of Caspian Dagestan and Derbent in particular received a new impulse for development, separate perspective branches of economy (wine growing, saffron and oil production) were improved with the consideration of the last achievements, including foreign. Many efforts in this aspect were made directly by Peter I, who was interested in the development of domestic production of wine, oil, spices, wool.

Continuity in Economic Activity and Policy during the Post-Petrine Period in Russia

1965 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arcadius Kahan
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Entrepreneurs

To discuss economic activity in Russia of the eighteenth century is to deal with an economic and social order that antedates the age of industrialization. Industrial activity in Russia during the eighteenth century was carried on within the political framework of an autocratic state, with ill-defined norms of legal behavior, and against the background of a serf agriculture which reached its apogee during this very period. The state of the industrial arts was low in comparison with western European standards, and the use of waterpower as a motive force in manufactories was introduced in Russia by foreign entrepreneurs only in the seventeenth century. Against this background, the efforts by Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725) to modernize Russia appear genuinely heroic. The demands of his policy forced the government to engage directly in a vast program of establishing new industries, of converting small handicraft workshops into large-scale manufactories, and of encouraging private entrepreneurs to follow the government's example.

The Battle of Finsbury Field and Its Wider Context

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
A. G. Dickens
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
The West ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Sir Thomas Wyatt ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mary Tudor ◽  
The City ◽  
Northern Wall

On 4 March 1554 some hundreds of London schoolboys fought a mock battle on Finsbury Field outside the northern wall of the city. Boys have always gratified their innate romanticism by playing at war, yet this incident, organized between several schools, was overtly political and implicitly religious in character. It almost resulted in tragedy, and, though scarcely noticed by historians, it does not fail to throw Ught upon London society and opinion during a major crisis of Tudor history. The present essay aims to discuss the factual evidence and its sources; thereafter to clarify the broader context and significance of the affair by briefer reference to a few comparable events which marked the Reformation struggle elsewhere. The London battle relates closely to two events in the reign of Mary Tudor: her marriage with Philip of Spain and the dangerous Kentish rebellion led by the younger Sir Thomas Wyatt. The latter’s objectives were to seize the government, prevent the marriage, and, in all probability, to place the Princess Elizabeth on the throne as the figurehead of a Protestant regime in Church and State. While Wyatt himself showed few signs of evangelical piety, the notion of a merely political revolt can no longer be maintained. Professor Malcolm R. Thorp has recendy examined in detail the lives of all the numerous known leaders, and has proved that in almost every case they display clear records of Protestant conviction. It is, moreover, common knowledge that Kent, with its exceptionally large Protestant population, provided at this moment the best possible recruiting-area in England for an attack upon the Catholic government. Though the London militia treasonably went over to Wyatt, the magnates with their retinues and associates rallied around the legal sovereign. Denied boats and bridges near the capital, Wyatt finally crossed the Thames at Kingston, but then failed to enter London from the west. By 8 February 1554 his movement had collapsed, though his execution did not occur until 11 April.

scholarly journals Inaccuracy in the Translation of Dentistry Terms from English into Arabic

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. p10
Author(s):  
Ayman R. Nazzal ◽  
Mohammad F. Khmous
Keyword(s):  
Pilot Study ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
American University ◽  
Translation Strategies ◽  
Profound Impact ◽  
Technical Translation ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The City

This study investigates the inaccuracies manifested in the translation of dental terms from English into Arabic by Palestinian dentists. It underscores the fact that the translation of dental terms is part and parcel of technical translation; and accounts for the major causes and provides an adequate solution for such inaccuracies.The findings of the study point out the shortcomings of using different dental translation strategies simultaneously for the same term and point out that the experience and the institutional background of the dentists have a profound impact on the accuracy of translating dental terms. The findings have also underlined the difference between technical and conventional translation rules. While the study points out that dentists have used Arabicisation, transliteration, and descriptive translation strategies for the accomplishment of adequate equivalences in the translation of dental terms, it has shown also that Arabicisation is highly neglected and rarely used by dentists in comparison with the other two translation strategies. Transliteration is the most common especially among specialists and descriptive is mainly used by dentists with non-specialists.The methodology used in this study relied heavily on the data taken from a pilot study, carried out through the distribution of a questionnaire to a hundred dentists at the American University in the city of Jenin and in the city of Nablus on the West Bank, followed with a number of personal interviews with a number of dentists.

Hoping for Peace during Protracted Conflict: Citizens’ Hope Is Based on Inaccurate Appraisals of Their Adversary’s Hope for Peace

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1390-1417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oded Adomi Leshem ◽  
Eran Halperin
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Change ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
The West ◽  
Essential Component ◽  
Protracted Conflict ◽  
Large Scale Survey ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Hope is an essential component in the pursuit of political change. In order to hope, citizens need to wish for the change and have some expectations that it could materialize. This article explores how the two components of hope (i.e., wishes and expectations) are constructed in the seemingly hopeless case of a protracted and violent conflict. Utilizing a large-scale survey administered in Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip, we show that citizens’ appraisals of their adversary’s wishes and expectations for peace affect their own wishes and expectations, which, in turn, influences their willingness to support peacebuilding efforts. Regrettably, citizens’ tendency to underestimate their rival’s wish for peace lessens their own hopes, which further abates the support for peacebuilding. The study is the first to illustrate a mechanism by which hope for peace is constructed and the pathways by which hope facilitates resolution. Theoretical and applied implications are discussed.

Israel–Palestine Liberation Organization: Agreement on the Temporary International Presence in the City of Hebron (TIPH) and Memorandum of Understanding between Denmark, Italy, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and Turkey on the Establishment of TIPH

1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-550
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The West ◽  
Palestine Liberation Organization ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The City

Pursuant to Article VII of Annex I of the Israeli–Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, dated September 28, 1995 (“the Interim Agreement”), which deals with the redeployment of Israeli military forces in the City of Hebron and provides that there will be a Temporary International Presence in Hebron, Israel and the PLO agree as follows:

scholarly journals Security, Trade, and Political Violence

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Amodio ◽  
Leonardo Baccini ◽  
Michele Di Maio
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Differential Effect ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Trade Restrictions ◽  
The West ◽  
Manufacturing Sectors ◽  
Quasi Experiment ◽  
Violent Events

Abstract This paper studies the effect of security-motivated trade restrictions on economic activity and political violence. We exploit the 2008 restrictions imposed by Israel on imports of selected goods to the West Bank as a quasi-experiment. We show that after 2008 (i) output and wages decrease differentially in manufacturing sectors that use restricted materials more intensively as production inputs, (ii) wages decrease in localities where employment is more concentrated in these sectors, and (iii) episodes of political violence are more likely to occur in these localities. This differential effect accounts for 16% of violent events that occurred in the West Bank from 2008 to 2012.

Responses in the west of Ireland to civil rights protest in Northern Ireland, 1968–72

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (159) ◽  
pp. 58-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Madden
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The West ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
West Of Ireland

Abstract1968 has become synonymous with the large-scale global protests of that year. International scholarship has increasingly sought to examine instances of these protests in global peripheries, and amongst the most studied examples is Northern Ireland. The growth of civil rights protest in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, which emerged from long-standing feelings of exclusion amongst the Catholic minority of the predominantly Protestant polity, was influenced by a broader international discourse of protest associated with the long 1968, notably the African-American civil rights movement. Simultaneously, in the west of Ireland, a number of protest groups also emerged in the late 1960s, frustrated at their communities’ perceived neglect by the government of the Republic of Ireland. This article will examine the emergence of these protest movements, discussing groups in the Galway Gaeltacht and other peripheral rural areas of Connacht, student activists in University College Galway, and campaigns challenging racism against the Travelling community. It will argue that they were influenced by the global protests associated with the long 1968, most notably by events across the border. For the purpose of the article, the ‘west of Ireland’ refers to the five Connacht counties of Galway, Roscommon, Mayo, Sligo and Leitrim.

The Practice and Case Law of Israel in Matters Related to International Law

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rotem M. Giladi
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
General Framework ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Palestine Liberation Organization ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Gaza Strip

The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (“the Interim Agreement”) represents another stage in the implementation of the framework established in the Declaration of Principles signed between the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (the “PLO”), commonly known as the “Oslo process”. In essence, the Interim Agreement provides for the establishment of self-government arrangements in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, as envisaged in the Declaration of Principles, while explicitly superseding the arrangements which applied in the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area since May 1994. In addition, the Interim Agreement provides for “direct, free and general political elections” to be held in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.The aim of this section is to acquaint lawyers with the general framework of the Agreement, and the primary legal and political issues dealt with by the Interim Agreement, rather than to describe the specifics of each of its many provisions. Where required, reference will be made to the Declaration of Principles and to previous Agreements concluded between the Parties. At times, reference will also be made to the Camp David Framework of 1978.

SUSAN SLYOMOVICS, The Object of Memory: Arab and Jew Narrate the Palestinian Village (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998). Pp. 319. $19.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riad Bahhur
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
University Of Pennsylvania ◽  
Property Law ◽  
The West ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
Arab States ◽  
The City

Susan Slyomovics's Object of Memory explores the ways in which Arabs and Jews (primarily Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews) narrate the Palestinian village, focusing on the pre-1948 Palestinian village of Ein Houd, located in the Carmel Mountains south of the city of Haifa. The Palestinian inhabitants of Ein Houd were displaced during the 1948 war and prevented by the Israeli government from returning to their homes there. Most of them became internal refugees, designated “present absentees” under Israeli law. Others became refugees in surrounding Arab states and in the part of Palestine that became known as the West Bank. Their properties were confiscated by Israel under the Absentee Property Law.

scholarly journals NEO-ZIONIST FRONTIER LANDSCAPES IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Izhak SCHNELL ◽  
Ben-Israel ARNON
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Classical Representation ◽  
The West ◽  
New Frontier ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Government ◽  
Home Space ◽  
Local Nature

Immediately after the 1967 war and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza the national religious youngsters (Gush Emmunim settlers) reached out to settle the new frontier of the biblical places. By thus, they have developed a Messianic myth. The interpretation of Gush-Emmunim settlers’ experience of landscapes reveals a complex and contradictory structure of sense of space. Settlers’ mythical sense of space may be understood in two strata - imagined and material. The imagined stratum is conceived mainly in transcendental romantic terms while the material is reified according to classic conceptions. Two main contradictions are outstanding: first, between the romantic representation of Jewish landscapes and the classic representation of Palestinian landscapes in the imagined stratum; second, between the romantic representation of the Jewish home space in the imagined stratum and the classical representation of the suburban Jewish home landscape in the material stratum. The first contradiction is inherent in frontier societies as a means to pseudo-rationalize the colonisation of the land, although in general there may be a mixture of romantic and classic attitudes towards the natives. The settlers pioneering myth is highly subsidised by the government and aggressively backed by military force. This enables them to tolerate the surrounding fear, antagonism and hatred. Thus, the landscape they build represents power and domination with no regard to local nature and to the Palestinian landscapes that are perceived by the settlers as part of it.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document