scholarly journals CORONAVIRUS AS AN INDICATOR OF THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

Author(s):  
E. S. Sadovaya

The article analyzes the achievements and problems, which US President Donald Trump encountered during the implementation of his election program to transform the country. Author consider these subjects in the broad context of the transformation of the modern world order and the change in the narratives of global geopolitics. The author emphasizes that the United States is committed to the re-industrialization and nationalization of the American economy in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and the general global uncertainty of the prospects for world development. Main components of such politics are the struggle for jobs for Americans and competition for highly skilled labor in the global labor market. The main topic of research is focused on migration policy is an essential component of the overall reform plan. Taking into account that until recently the USA was the largest economy in the world, the author concludes that the US migration policy has a multifaceted global impact on the international labor market, since the USA is the main importer of labor. The main factors that have a decisive influence on the effectiveness of the implementation of the declared course are the features of the functioning of the American labor market (including the high cost of local labor and the lack of qualified personnel in a number of sectors of the American economy). Analyzing the effect of these factors, the author notes their contradictory effect on the country's economy and concludes that the measures taken are insufficient due to the situation of tough confrontation between the main political forces in modern America. The author claims that the growing global competition for highly qualified personnel will remain one of the main trends of the upcoming era. The aim of the work is conceptualization of approaches to the study of migration processes in the conditions of the technological transformation of the modern world and the interpretation of international experience in the reform of migration policies.

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (4/2020) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on measures for further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms (“New START”) is the last pillar of the arms control regime on which the end of the Cold War and the new world order rested. Its expiration on 5 February 2021 is a top security challenge and indicates a possible new strategic arms race. However, can the United States and Russia still preserve the existing strategic arms control by extending the Treaty for another five years? What are the prospects, the opportunities and obstacles for this extension? What are the most pressing issues USA and Russia face with in order to preserve strategic arms control and are they willing to do so? In order to answer to these research questions author analyses several key issues that are of paramount importance for extension of the New START: nuclear modernization processes, invention of new weapons and emergence of new warfare domains; transparency and verification and broader confidence building measures; missile defence and prompt global strike; tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and Asia; general US-Russia relations which include question of democratic capacity; and broader influence of this Treaty on nuclear non-proliferation regime. By using content and discourse analysis author concludes that, although it is obvious that the extension of the New START would be primarily in favour of Russia and that the USA has not much to gain, the character of strategic stability in the Third Nuclear Age gives reasons to believe that the New START will be extended for another five years.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-118
Author(s):  
Arkadiy Alekseevich Eremin

This article is an attempt to critically analyze the policy of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump regarding the southern border of the USA with Mexico. The paper analyzes the approach of Washington under the administration of D. Trump to the problem of the joint border between USA and Mexico, as well as conducts a comprehensive assessment of the main programs underlying the most pressing changes in D. Trumps policy in this area. In particular, the paper focuses on the structure of migration flows between 2017 and 2019, as well as on the reasons behind those changes. The author looks at the root causes of the unprecedented increase in the flow of potential migrants and refugees, and correlates them with the ongoing political, economic and humanitarian crises in the Central American sub-region. An important focus is given to the increasing role of Mexico in the settlement of this issue, as well as to the potential impact of such cooperation between the authorities of the United States and Mexico on the situation in Central America and Latin America in general. The significance of this paper is determined by the objective necessity of academic evaluation of the Donald Trumps administration impact on the United States governmental and foreign policy course. The author argues that the approach of the 45th president of the United States regarding traditionally sensitive issues like US - Mexico border control and migration has been mostly based on coercive tactics with obvious disregard towards social basis and root-causes of the issue at hand. One of the most distinguished traits of this approach is the practice of outsourcing managing the problem of refugees from Central America to the border-country, which in this specific case is Mexico.


Author(s):  
L. L. Fituni

The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Lance Taylor

A “global saving glut” was invented by Ben Bernanke in 2005 as a label for positive net lending (imports exceeding exports) to the American economy by the rest of the world. This trading situation had already emerged around 1980, and led to the Plaza Accord in 1985. One common explanation is based on the Mundell-Fleming IS/LM/BP model. But this model cannot be valid, since the “BP” equation is not independent of “IS.” Other champions of this saving glut hypothesis rely on loanable funds theory, which is institutionally inadequate. More plausible analyses of the persistent trade imbalance can be derived from a two-country IS/LM set-up devised by Wynne Godley, a Kaleckian description of the political economy of East Asia and the United States, and dissection of the terms of trade due to W. Arthur Lewis and Luigi Pasinetti.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094604
Author(s):  
Wei Zhai ◽  
Zhong-Ren Peng

Home prices and rent prices in the USA have been growing steadily over the past decade. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has decimated entire sectors of the American economy, which makes the homebuying decision more intricate. We mapped multiple metrics to indicate the best place to buy a house amid COVID-19. For many counties in the central area of the USA, the price-to-rent ratio highly recommends people to buy a house, but the home prices have declined since the outbreak of COVID-19. The price-to-rent ratio and increasing home price suggest that people should not buy a home in big coastal cities under the current circumstances.


Author(s):  
Grace Davie

This core of this chapter describes and explains a paradox in the religious life of modern Europe: without doubt, Europe is more secular than it used to be, but in terms of public debate, religion is rising rather than falling in significance. The factors that lie behind this seeming contradiction are explored both singly and together. They include deeply embedded cultural factors, the shifts in the historic churches, new forms of religious life, new arrivals, and secular reactions. In each case, the comparison with the American case is carefully considered. The initial sections of the chapter set this comparison in a global context, noting key dates in the reconfiguration of the modern world order and the place of religion in these. The chapter concludes with a brief consideration of the British case—pulled structurally towards Europe and culturally towards the United States.


Author(s):  
Attila Mezei

China has been a rising power in East Asia for decades. The end of the Cold War and the increasing effects of globalization brought the country in the forefront of attention on the international scene. The economic importance of the East Asian giant cannot be denied. Its economic power has been translating into a powerful tool to upset the balance of power tremendously. China has been expanding its influence around the globe and challenging the status quo more than ever before. The United States, the strongest state in the current international system has to pay attention to the increasingly assertive China. The USA uses several strategies to mitigate the threat China poses to the world order that the USA built. The structural forces of the international system, the Covid-19 pandemic, and American domestic politics make the threat of rising China more challenging. In my paper, I try to identify the balancing strategies of the United States in the 21st century against China. In my opinion, the application of neoclassical realist school of international relations can foreshadow the possible paths of the conflict. The United States of America has to use a wide variety of balancing strategies in order to counter the threat. A heavier reliance on allies is inevitable for the United States if it wants to contain the increasing influence of China around the globe. The USA should increase its hard-, soft-, and asymmetrical balancing methods mixed with smart power strategies to remain on the top of the international system. In my opinion, the showdown between China and the United States of America will be inevitable in the medium term. If the USA uses its position right, the peaceful containment of Chinese ambitions is possible. The successes of the above-mentioned strategies will decide how the competition of these two countries shape the international relations in the coming decades.


Author(s):  
Cati Coe

Home care is a portal to the American economy for African migrants, but it is one in which they are racialized as African and Black. When Africans come to the United States, they encounter a racialized employment market, in which their Blackness and immigrant status plays a major role in how they are perceived. Because they are desperate for work to support their families, they are valued by agency staff as dedicated and hard-working, patient and respectful. Africans also highlight these qualities when they seek employment. However, their cultural capital as “African” is not considered valuable by patients, who often express a preference for “white” or “American” care workers. This chapter analyzes the ways that care workers are recognized and positioned within the care labor market, and how this recognition makes African care workers vulnerable to exploitation and humiliation.


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