scholarly journals President Mobutu and the Prime Minister under the Transitional Constitutional Act: Duel or duo?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe

Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu's Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a "duel" nor the avatars of an alleged "duo" between the two main representatives of the executive function.In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu. KEY WORDS: President, politics, Prime Minister, constitution, Zaire 

Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-178
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe

President Mobutu and the Prime Minister Under the Transitional Constitutional Act: Duel or Duo? Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu’s Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a “duel” nor the avatars of an alleged “duo” between the two main representatives of the executive function. In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisée Tikonimbé Koupokpa

As it is the case for most of the African countries, Togo is looking for a constitutional system that ts its political, social and cultural realities. The 1990s were considered as a period of democratic revival, and from those years onwards the constitutional organization was directed towards a parliamentary type of regime which was rightfully or wrongfully seen as an instrument whereby the head of state's powers were limited. However, the unfortunate result of this kinds of organization of the political powers leads to another constitutional system which is more likely to be presidential. Key words: political regime, parliamentary Regime, presidential regime, head of state, president of the republic, prime minister, counterbalance 


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


Author(s):  
Tri Ratna Manandhar

The peoples’ movement of 1990 was a great landmark in the history of modern Nepal for it ended the three-decades of the old dictatorial rule of the king and established a parliamentary system with the king as a nominal head of state. But unfortunately, the country could not form a good government because of inter and intra-party conflicts. To add fuel to the flame, the rise of the Maoist movement and the royal massacre put the country in a state of confusion and uncertainty. The new king tried to revive dictatorial rule once again by suppressing the political parties and the Maoists. But his attempts failed, and the 19-day movement in 2006 re-established peoples’ sovereignty in the country. The first meeting of the elected constituent assembly in 2008 formally ended monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. But the first constituent assembly ended its four–year term without drafting a constitution. The second constituent assembly has pledged to promulgate a democratic constitution by January 2015, but all indications are that that the country is unlikely to get a constitution in time.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 173-176
Author(s):  
Faiq Vahid oğlu Əzimov ◽  

Thoughts on politics and political relations originated in the territory of Azerbaijan in ancient times and have undergone a great evolution. Factors that are very different, and sometimes even contradict each other, have played and continue to play an important role in its emergence and activity. The political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is political in nature, reflecting the characteristics of the national and historical context. Like all post-Soviet states, the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan feels a certain influence of the Soviet political system. With the adoption of the new Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the establishment of the parliament on the basis of the first multi-party system, the formation of the political system of Azerbaijan was legally completed on November 12, 1995. Key words: state, political system, society, government, activity


2009 ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Marco Allegra

- The article addresses the issue of the relation between historiography and the political debate. It examines the historiographic works concerning the events which lead to the emergence of the State of Israel between 1947 and 1949 as one of the key-periods in the history of the contemporary Middle East. In particular, the analysis focuses on the debate originating in the mid 1980s on the revision of traditional Israeli historiography undertaken by the so-called ‘New Historians', of whom Benny Morris is a leading representative. By drawing on the notion of the ‘public use of history, the author reverses the perspective, showing how the academic debate itself is characterised by strongly polemical aspects. The historiographic research on 1948, to which the works of the New Historians provide the latest significant contribution in terms of analysis of new sources, constitutes a firmer knowledge than the tones of the debate would suggest. Key words: public use of history, Israel, New Israeli Historians, first Arab-Israeli war, Palestine, Israeli-Palestinian conflict.


Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco

La Macedonia del Nord è un caso peculiare all’interno dell’ex Jugoslavia e nel processo di adesione all’UE per le ben note implicazioni geopolitiche: la minoranza albanese e la denominazione, ambedue solo recentemente superati. Emerge tuttavia un sistema di governo semipresidenziale non dissimile da quello degli altri Paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale, che, trascendendo il classico modello di Duverger, si connota per una predominanza della centralità parlamentare opposta al Capo dello Stato senza significativi poteri costituzionali. Solo un Presidente con una forte personalità sembra essere in grado di influenzare l’azione di governo, attraverso il suo potere di magistrato di influenza e persuasione. D’altro canto, il decennio del Primo Ministro nazionalista Gruevski è stato caratterizzato dall’autoritarismo con un regime ibrido ovvero democrazia illiberale. Pertanto, le condizioni politiche, istituzionali, storiche e interetniche del Paese non favorirono l’evoluzione del sistema semipresidenziale verso un modello a “Presidente forte”. Northern Macedonia is a typical example of instability within the former Yugoslavia due to the well-known geopolitical implications: the Albanian minority and the denomination, both of which have only recently been overcome. However, a semi-presidential system of government emerges that is not dissimilar from other Central-Eastern European countries, which, transcending the classic Duverger model, is characterized by a predominance of parliamentary centrality opposed to the Head of State without significant constitutional powers. Only a President with a strong personality appears to be able to influence government action, through his power as a magistrate of influence and persuasion. Otherwise, the nationalist Gruevski’s Prime Minister decade was characterized by authoritarianism with a hybrid regime or an illiberal democracy. Thus, the political, institutional, historical and interethnic conditions of the country did not, therefore, favor the evolution of the semi-presidential system towards a “strong President” model.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
DARKO GOLIĆ

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.


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