scholarly journals Le President Mobutu et le Premier Ministre Sous L’acte Constitutionnel de la Transition: Duel ou Duo?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-178
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe
Keyword(s):  
Executive Function ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic

President Mobutu and the Prime Minister Under the Transitional Constitutional Act: Duel or Duo? Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu’s Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a “duel” nor the avatars of an alleged “duo” between the two main representatives of the executive function. In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu.

scholarly journals President Mobutu and the Prime Minister under the Transitional Constitutional Act: Duel or duo?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic

Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu's Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a "duel" nor the avatars of an alleged "duo" between the two main representatives of the executive function.In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu. KEY WORDS: President, politics, Prime Minister, constitution, Zaire 

scholarly journals First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.

scholarly journals Quel régime politique pour les états Africains : le cas du Togo

Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisée Tikonimbé Koupokpa
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Constitutional System

As it is the case for most of the African countries, Togo is looking for a constitutional system that ts its political, social and cultural realities. The 1990s were considered as a period of democratic revival, and from those years onwards the constitutional organization was directed towards a parliamentary type of regime which was rightfully or wrongfully seen as an instrument whereby the head of state's powers were limited. However, the unfortunate result of this kinds of organization of the political powers leads to another constitutional system which is more likely to be presidential. Key words: political regime, parliamentary Regime, presidential regime, head of state, president of the republic, prime minister, counterbalance 

the presidential and the semi-presidential system

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Realistic Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.

scholarly journals Nepal: From Constitutional Monarchy to a Republican State (1990-2008)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Ratna Manandhar
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Good Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Maoist Movement ◽  
Democratic Constitution ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

The peoples’ movement of 1990 was a great landmark in the history of modern Nepal for it ended the three-decades of the old dictatorial rule of the king and established a parliamentary system with the king as a nominal head of state. But unfortunately, the country could not form a good government because of inter and intra-party conflicts. To add fuel to the flame, the rise of the Maoist movement and the royal massacre put the country in a state of confusion and uncertainty. The new king tried to revive dictatorial rule once again by suppressing the political parties and the Maoists. But his attempts failed, and the 19-day movement in 2006 re-established peoples’ sovereignty in the country. The first meeting of the elected constituent assembly in 2008 formally ended monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. But the first constituent assembly ended its four–year term without drafting a constitution. The second constituent assembly has pledged to promulgate a democratic constitution by January 2015, but all indications are that that the country is unlikely to get a constitution in time.  

scholarly journals From the history of uzbek-korean educational relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Further Development

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.

scholarly journals L’evoluzione del sistema di governo della Macedonia del Nord fra instabilità strisciante e transizione permanente (The evolution of the government system of Northern Macedonia between “slithering” instability and permanent transition)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Hybrid Regime

La Macedonia del Nord è un caso peculiare all’interno dell’ex Jugoslavia e nel processo di adesione all’UE per le ben note implicazioni geopolitiche: la minoranza albanese e la denominazione, ambedue solo recentemente superati. Emerge tuttavia un sistema di governo semipresidenziale non dissimile da quello degli altri Paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale, che, trascendendo il classico modello di Duverger, si connota per una predominanza della centralità parlamentare opposta al Capo dello Stato senza significativi poteri costituzionali. Solo un Presidente con una forte personalità sembra essere in grado di influenzare l’azione di governo, attraverso il suo potere di magistrato di influenza e persuasione. D’altro canto, il decennio del Primo Ministro nazionalista Gruevski è stato caratterizzato dall’autoritarismo con un regime ibrido ovvero democrazia illiberale. Pertanto, le condizioni politiche, istituzionali, storiche e interetniche del Paese non favorirono l’evoluzione del sistema semipresidenziale verso un modello a “Presidente forte”. Northern Macedonia is a typical example of instability within the former Yugoslavia due to the well-known geopolitical implications: the Albanian minority and the denomination, both of which have only recently been overcome. However, a semi-presidential system of government emerges that is not dissimilar from other Central-Eastern European countries, which, transcending the classic Duverger model, is characterized by a predominance of parliamentary centrality opposed to the Head of State without significant constitutional powers. Only a President with a strong personality appears to be able to influence government action, through his power as a magistrate of influence and persuasion. Otherwise, the nationalist Gruevski’s Prime Minister decade was characterized by authoritarianism with a hybrid regime or an illiberal democracy. Thus, the political, institutional, historical and interethnic conditions of the country did not, therefore, favor the evolution of the semi-presidential system towards a “strong President” model.

scholarly journals THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENTARY AND SEMI-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
DARKO GOLIĆ
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Real ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
The Republic

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.

The Gaelic Athletic Association and Home Rule

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Freddy Pignon
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Total Separation ◽  
The Creation

When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill. But Home Rule did not exactly mean the same in sport as in politics. Even though Michael Cusack was not hostile to power sharing with the unionist leaders of existing athletic associations, the failure of his first attempts to democratise Irish sport led him to defend a more radical position implying total separation from his counterparts under British supervision. The Home Rule movement certainly benefited from the GAA’s nationalist and cultural stance to develop Irish consciousness. But the likelihood of self-government was compromised by the own image of the GAA’s administration whose sectarianism and internal disputes over its political nature could hardly convince unionists of their interest to agree with the principle of Home Rule.

Prime Minister’s Constitutional Position in Hungary, Romania and Poland (a Comparative Analysis)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1(21) ◽  
pp. 7-26
Author(s):  
Marian Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Connection ◽  
Parliamentary Government ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Systemic Practice ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
The Republic

The institution of the prime-minister, formed in monarchical states, has gained a new political environment in the republic affecting the position and nature of the p[rime-minister’s office. This position depended ,to a large extent, on the systemic location and the shape of the function and competences of the elected president of the republic. The systemic solution adopted in this respect were, as a rule, between two border models; the prime-minister’s full dependence on the political (party) and majority forces in the parliament and the political connection of the castoff the prime-minister’s position to the political profile and personal preferences of the president. Among the solutions indicated here were a number of intermediary solutions used in the systemic practice of individual countries. The political changes at the turn of the Year 1989/1990 in Central and South-Eastern Europe favoured shaping the position of the prime-minister in connections of the model of parliamentary government (i.e. depending on the party structure and majority confidence in parliament) ,but with influence of the president (especially in case of the cast of this office in general and direct election).

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