Wet en werkelijkheid inzake het taalevenwicht in het Belgisch officierencorps : Een overzicht van de periode 1938-1982

Res Publica ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Kris Houben

The linguistic ratios in the Belgian army are regulated by the Act of July 30. 1938. This Act claimed at a complete equality between both important national languages, in order to put an end to the French quasimonolinguality of the military elite.Although the 1938 Act has been rather ineffective for more than fourty years, the linguistic situation in respect of the Belgian army officers has improved considerably since 1970.A closer cxamination reveals that this principal idea of equality has not been realized as to the field officers and the general officers, but that approximately the linguistic balance is attained among the lower officers.

Movoznavstvo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 320 (5) ◽  
pp. 17-33
Author(s):  
P. O.  SELIHEY ◽  

The article examines the criteria on the basis of which ratings of international languages are compiled and their future is predicted. Language’s chances of becoming international are not highly dependent on its demographic power, structural advantages or ease of learning. What matters most is the influence that speakers of the language have on other peoples. The criteria of «internationality» of the language actually coincide with the criteria of its influence, communicative value, social prestige, sociolinguistic weight. The ratings of the influence of national languages are based on various criteria: state status, communicative potential, economic power, the number of people studying it as a foreign language. These ratings reveal more essential criteria of an international language: prevalence on several continents, the status of an official language in international organizations, value as a source of modern knowledge, a large number of its speakers as a second. A specific feature that brings the international language to the class of world languages should be recognized as its worldwide prevalence. This language is used all over the world, it is spoken (as the first or second) by the majority of the world’s population, its world status is recognized in all countries. The composition of the club of leading languages is constantly changing: some languages come to it, others decrease — depending on the military-political, demographic, economic and cultural success of their speakers. Although the number of speakers of English as a second language is growing steadily, its dominance should be considered as temporary. A new hierarchy of languages may emerge in the middle of 21st century, with other major languages — Chinese, Spanish, Arabic, Hindi/Urdu, competing equally with English in their respective regions. Although state status of the Ukrainian language creates favorable preconditions for its development, it could spread much faster due to its informational value, intellectual power, cultural attractiveness and economic success of Ukraine.


Author(s):  
Mónica Ricketts

The final chapter discusses in parallel the political histories of Spain and Peru in the final years of imperial rule in South America. Peru did not experience a long national struggle and lacked large elites committed to independence. As in the old metropolis, a constant and violent struggle between men of letters and military officers dominated. After decades of military reform and war, army officers with experience in command and government felt entitled to rule. Old subjects and new citizens were also accustomed to seeing them lead. Men of letters, on the other hand, found limited opportunities to exercise their new authority despite their ambitions. Additionally, both in Spain and Peru, liberal men of letters failed to create a new institutional order in which the military would be subjected to civilian rule. It would take decades for both parts of the former Spanish monarchy to accomplish that goal and allow for peace.


Author(s):  
Grégory Daho

French civil–military relations are usually described as an example of subordination of the military command to political authorities. This subordination is the legacy of the mutual distrust inherited from the “events” in Algeria and, more specifically, the coups in Algiers in 1958 and 1961 that gave birth to the current Fifth Republic. With the end of the Cold War, civil–military relations have rebalanced to the benefit of general officers because of the increasingly technical nature of external interventions and the consolidation of interprofessional relations with diplomats and industrial networks, facilitating the return of some officers into decision-making circuits. After this functional reintegration, the antiterrorist framing, both outside of the country (Opération Serval in January 2013 in Mali) and within France’s borders (Opération Sentinelle , which followed the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris), seems to recast the military as the forge of the national community. The evolution of the political uses of the military forces in France shows how ambivalent the antiterrorist resources are in the contemporary civil–military game.


Author(s):  
Maksim V. Mozharov ◽  
Roman D. Lopatin

Nowadays, at the time of rapid growth of various branches of science and technology, the evolution of national languages is also observed. Each separate language expands its vocabulary through the inclusion of new terms, words and expressions that appeared in the language with the beginning of the technical revolution in the military and civilian spheres. As a result of the process impact of production modernization and updating the technical base around the world, completely new concepts and terms have appeared that have a narrow specialization, complexity, and are professionally oriented. As a result of this, natural difficulties and peculiarities arise in the translation of technical vocabulary lead to the question of the need for streamlining and in-depth analysis, and comparison of polysyllabic lexical units of the terminological fund of the Chinese language for further reproduction of an adequate translation into English or Russian. We determine lexical features of the terminology of the military Chinese sublanguage, study the composition of its terminological fund and ways of replenishing vocabulary, as well as study the main features of the military Chinese sublanguage translation and analyze the lexical, stylistic and syntactic features of the translation of the military Chinese sublanguage.


1959 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dankwart A. Rustow

Modern Turkish history furnishes numerous examples of active participation by the military in politics. The so-called “Young Turk Revolution” of 1908, in fact, may well be regarded as the prototype of Near Eastern military coups of this century. A decade later, Mustafa Kemal [Atatürk] and other army officers took the lead in creating a nationalist Turkish Republic out of the ruins of the multinational Ottoman Empire. Since the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, however, the Turkish army has abstained from any such obvious role on the political stage.


1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Gerald Downey

To many international lawyers and army officers the terms “law of war” and “military necessity” are mutually incompatible. Many army officers consider the law of war as no more than a collection of pious platitudes, valueless, so they think, because it has no force and effect. Some international lawyers regard military necessity as the bête noire of international jurisprudence, destroying all legal restriction and allowinguncontrolled brute force to rage rampant over the battlefield or wherever the military have control.


Author(s):  
Renaud Egreteau

This book examines the political landscape that followed the 2010 elections in Myanmar and the subsequent transition from direct military rule to a semi-civilian, ‘hybrid’ regime. Striking political, social, and economic transformations have indeed taken place in the long-isolated country since the military junta disbanded in March 2011. To better construe – and question – what has routinely been labelled a ‘Burmese Spring’, the book examines the reasons behind the ongoing political transition, as well as the role of the Burmese armed forces in the process. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Burmese political actors, party leaders, parliamentarians, active and retired army officers. It also takes its cue from comparative scholarship on civil-military relations and post-authoritarian politics, looking at the ‘praetorian’ logic to explain the transitional moment. Myanmar’s road to democratic change is, however, paved with obstacles. As the book suggests, the continuing military intervention in domestic politics, the resilience of bureaucratic, economic and political clientelism at all levels of society, the towering presence of Aung San Suu Kyi, the shadowy influence of regional and global powers, and the enduring concerns about interethnic and interreligious relations, all are strong reminders of the series of elemental conundrums which Myanmar will have to deal with in order to achieve democratization, sustainable development and peace.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA ANTÓNIA PIRES DE ALMEIDA

AbstractIn 1974, Portugal's Carnation Revolution, initiated by the military, received huge popular support. Army officers, mostly of the rank of captain, started the Revolution, but then the politicians took over. While it was largely a ‘top down’ revolution, at the local government level ordinary people assumed control. In this article we consider those who made up the local elites before the Revolution, during the transition period that followed, and thereafter. We compare the local elites in Portugal during Salazar's dictatorship with those under the Democratic regime, using a database of 6,000 entries containing details of 3,102 mayors and deputy mayors and 402 civil governors who held office between 1936 and 2013. Our main conclusions are that during the transition period the elite who had ruled under Salazar were almost completely replaced. A new group, from different professions and social backgrounds, took up the reins of local government. The Revolution produced a population willing to participate in the new order and take on roles within local government, but they did not always retain their seats after the first democratic elections.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112098083
Author(s):  
James Taylor

The article looks at the nature of the state and society in contemporary Thailand using a comparative historical analysis. Thailand is led by an officer corps, faithful only to the monarchy regime, while the land is at the disposal of the absolute sovereign who unquestionably holds control over its terrain, resources and people. It is a mix of Siamese palingenetic ultranationalist sentiment with re-interpretations of a conservative Buddhist ideology which is based on the morality and right of the rulers to rule. To the military leaders, its general officers, the military–monarchy nexus embodies a supreme source of secular morality and power with the right to dominate and where the ends (always) justify the means. Thai society has become irreparably divided by the interests of the ruling elites, defining the exceptions and, it is argued, comparable to historical and contemporary authoritarian regimes elsewhere. The article argues that the country, led by the New Right, articulates disarming elements of semi-fascism under the military, in a compact with the interests of the monarchy.


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