scholarly journals "Een ruim veld voor de Studentenbeweging ligt open." Inzake oorsprong en aard van de Vlaamse 'Frontbeweging'

2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 212-230
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

De geschiedschrijving die de ‘Vlaamse Frontbeweging’ tot onderwerp nam, heeft tot dusver te weinig het oog gericht naar de voorgeschiedenis die in nauw verband staat met de afschaffing van de loting en de veralgemening en uitbreiding van de dienstplicht vanaf 1909. Daarbij kwam ook nog eens de eerste taalwet van 1913 die door de strijdkrachten zou moeten toegepast worden. Dit leidde tot een veel sterkere betrokkenheid binnen de Vlaamse beweging. Daarbij werd uit de aard der zaak vooral gerekend op de jonge mannen die nog naar het leger zouden moeten. Zij zouden in staat moeten zijn om de volksjongens zonder veel scholing mee in het ‘Vlaamse’ bad te trekken en zo stapsgewijs het Nederlands een plaats te geven in de strijdkrachten.Al even belangrijk voor een goed begrip is het feit dat de vooroorlogse elite er bijzonder goed in was geslaagd om het leger dienstbaar te maken bij de start van de carrière van wie hoger onderwijs kon volgen via de ‘compagnies universitaires’. In 1909 werd bovendien de categorie van de brancardiers gecreëerd die bestond uit seminaristen, novicen en student-onderwijzers. Zij moesten enkel een cursus volgen in hun vrije tijd.Er werd dus een elite geschapen die amper in contact kwam met de werkelijkheid in het leger en die mijlenver afstond van het beroepskader. Dat leverde de nodige springstof waarop de Frontbeweging kon groeien als een voortzetting van de vooroorlogse katholieke studentenbeweging. Deze jongemannen vonden dat zij hun vooroorlogse agitatie op taalvlak moesten verder zetten in oorlogstijd. Omdat de Duitse Flamenpolitik en de toenemende uitzichtloosheid leidde tot verbittering betekende dit een bedreiging voor de machtspositie van het militaire kaderpersoneel en de koning-opperbevelhebber.De hoop en de verwachting dat de Vlaamse oud-strijders zich na afloop van de oorlog en masse achter de Frontbeweging haar eisenprogramma zou scharen, bleek echter ijdel.__________ “A Wide Field for the Student Movement Lies Open.” On the Origin and Character of the Flemish Front Movement The historiography which takes the ‘Flemish Front Movement’ as its subject has so far paid too little attention to the historical background which is closely tied to the abolition of the conscription lottery and the generalization of the service requirement from 1909. In addition to this was the first language law of 1913 that the armed forces were supposed to follow. This led to a greater participation in the Flemish Movement. This obviously included in large part the young men who still had to go into the army. They had to be up to the task of bringing boys from the common folk who did not have much schooling into the ‘Flemish’ sphere and thus work step-by-step to give Dutch a place among the armed forces.Just as important for a good understanding is the fact that the prewar elite was unusually successful in making the army a stepping stone in the career of those who could follow higher education, through the “compagnies universitaires” (university companies). Most importantly in this regard, in 1909 the category of stretcher-bearer was created, which was made up of seminary students, novice priests and student teachers. They only had to take a course in their free time.Thus, an elite was formed that was nearly never in contact with the day-to-day life of the army and which was miles away from the traditional professional circles. This provided the necessary spark from which the Front Movement could grow as an extension of the prewar Catholic student movement. These young men found that they had to continue their prewar agitation regarding language matters in wartime. Because the German Flamenpolitik (policy of coopting the Flemish Movement) and growing hopelessness led to embitterment, this constituted a threat to their position of power of the military senior staff and the king as commander-in-chief.The hope and the expectation that Flemish veterans would range themselves en masse behind the Front Movement’s list of demands after the end of the war turned out to be in vain.

Author(s):  
Jonna Alava

This chapter addresses military-patriotic education in Russia. The Russian state pays increasing attention to the military-patriotic upbringing of children to elevate patriotic spirit in society and to get a larger number of motivated young men join the armed forces. In 2015, Ûnarmiâ was founded to unite the country’s fragmented military-patriotic youth organisations. The movement aims to operate in all schools in Russia. By deconstructing the hegemonic discourse of military-patriotic education, I analyse the linguistic modes in which the legitimization of Ûnarmiâ is constructed. Discourses of heroism, masculinity, a beneficial and fun hobby, being citizen-soldiers, and military traditionalism include key strategies of legitimization processes for influencing audiences. Discourses suggest that rather than preparing young people for immediate war, Ûnarmiâ's purpose is to raise patriotic citizens who support the prevailing regime and contribute to solving the demographic crisis by repeating ‘traditional’ gender roles.


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 288-293
Author(s):  
Pranab Chatterjee ◽  
Barbara Chatterjee

Selective service (draft) boards in the United States are intended to be autonomous committees of civilian volunteers designed to screen young men of draft age and pass on their eligibility for service in the country's Armed Forces. Persons who serve on such boards must be residents of the community and must not be active members of the military. They are appointed ultimately by the President of the United States after having been screened by a local committee; they serve without pay. They are thus neither employed, elected, nor appointed by any political body to whom they are accountable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-142
Author(s):  
ALEXEY ROMAKHIN ◽  

This article reveals the problem of the role of the religious factor in the formation of the value orientations of the military personnel of the Russian army from its inception to the present state. In the article, the author reveals the significance of the Church in the formation of the value orientations of military personnel. The problem of religious situation in foreign armies is considered. The article presents data from sociological studies confirming the increase in the number of religious servicemen in the modern Armed Forces. The concept of “religious factor” is revealed. The author suggests considering the influence of the religious factor on the formation of value orientations through the functions of religion. The article provides examples of the influence of religion on the formation of value orientations of military personnel from the time of the Baptism of Russia to the present. Examples of writers of Russian classical literature about the influence of religion on the morale of troops are given. Examples of religious participation in major battles and wars of the past years are shown. The significance of the religious factor in uniting the people and the army is shown. The work of officials of the Ministry of defense of the Russian Federation in strengthening values among military personnel in modern conditions is demonstrated. The role of the Minister of defense of the Russian Federation, General of the army S.K. Shoigu in strengthening the faith of the Russian army is outlined. Issues related to the construction of the Main Temple of the Armed Forces and its impact on the public masses were discussed. In this study, the author aims to show the significant role of religion in the formation of value orientations in Russian military personnel. The analysis shows an increasing role of religion in the minds of military personnel in modern conditions.


Author(s):  
V. Nazarkin ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
V. Ivanov

The task of choosing the rational number of power structures is always one of the main priorities of any political leadership of the state. An insufficient number of armed forces is a threat to the national security of the state; an excess number creates pressures on the development of the country's national economy. Today, when the development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are being formed in the context of the practical application of their units and subunits to carry out combat missions, questions of choosing a priority approach to the formation (justification) of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is an urgent issue. The article proposes a structure for conducting research on the development and implementation of the methodology of military-economic substantiation of the rational strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the system of defense planning of Ukraine in the formation of programs for their development for the medium and long term. The main objectives of this methodology are: scientific substantiation of the range of the necessary strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for the period of the program of their development; the choice of the indicator of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine according to the years of the program from a certain range of its changes; military-economic substantiation of this number under the influence of various limiting factors. The development and implementation of such a methodology will increase the efficiency of the formation and implementation of development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the efficiency of using public funds for the development of power structures.


Author(s):  
V. Makhankov ◽  
A. Maltsev ◽  
A. Kupriniuk ◽  
V. Obertas

The current stage of reforming the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AF) confirms that the crisis in the country's economy has significantly affected the system of logistics of troops, which ensures its main task – to maintain the combat readiness of military units and ensure their livelihood in peacetime. The war in the east of the country and the existing state of providing troops showed the need to improve the organization and management of the process of logistical (technical, rear and medical) provision of training and combat use of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which is currently in the phase of perspective changes and necessitates the development of a new concept of military information management and logistical flows, which will be implemented by a new, more efficient structure, called the "military logistics system". The purpose of the article is to determine the directions for the creation and accumulation of an optimal nomenclature of stocks of material resources in peacetime and their rational separation at the tactical, operational and strategic levels of management. The article describes the contents of the concepts of "logistics", "echelon", "stocking", "operational accounting". Important tasks of modern conditions of process of creation and management of stocks in the course of reforming of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are systematized; variants of the offered models of inventory management are outlined. The goal is achieved through theoretical and experimental research on volume optimization and material separation at all levels of management, which is one of the key problems of military logistics.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2199622
Author(s):  
Sergio Catignani ◽  
Nir Gazit ◽  
Eyal Ben-Ari

This Armed Forces & Society forum is dedicated to exploring recent trends in the characteristics of military reserves and of the changing character of reserve forces within the armed forces within the military, the civilian sphere, and in between them. To bring new and critical perspectives to the study of reserve forces and civil–military relations, this introduction and the five articles that follow draw on two organizing conceptual models: The first portrays reservists as transmigrants and focuses on the plural membership of reservists in the military and in civilian society and the “travel” between them. The second model focuses on the multiple formal and informal compacts (contracts, agreements, or pacts) between reservists and the military.


2021 ◽  
pp. bmjmilitary-2020-001740
Author(s):  
Erin G Lawrence ◽  
N Jones ◽  
N Greenberg ◽  
N T Fear ◽  
S Wessely ◽  
...  

Organisations including the United Kingdom Armed Forces should seek to implement mental health interventions to increase the psychological well-being of their workforce. This editorial briefly presents ten key principles that military forces should consider before implementing such interventions. These include job-focused training; evaluating interventions; the use of internal versus external training providers; the role of leaders; unit cohesion, single versus multiple session psychological interventions; not overgeneralising the applicability of interventions; the need for repeated skills practice; raising awareness and the fallibility of screening.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Thibaut Moulin

The emergence of new technologies might challenge our assumptions about biomedical research: medical progress may not only cure but enhance human capacities. In particular, the emergence of brain-machine interfaces will admittedly allow disabled people to move or communicate again, but also has various military applications, such as remote control of drones and avatars. Although there is no express legal framework pertaining to the experimental phase of human enhancement techniques, they are actually constrained by international law. According to international humanitarian law, civilians and prisoners of war may be subjected to experiments only when required by their state of health or for medical treatment. According to international human rights law, experimentations are permissible when they meet two conditions: (i) free consent, and (ii) proportionality (that is, the adequacy of risk and benefit). In light of these conditions, this article assesses the situations in which experimentation involving brain-computer interfaces would be lawful. It also gives specific attention to those experimentations carried out on members of the armed forces. In fact, owing to the military hierarchy and the unique nature of its mission (to protect national security at the risk of their own lives), it is necessary to determine how the military may comply with this legal framework.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-505
Author(s):  
Eyal Weinberg

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document