scholarly journals Menakar moralitas elit politik melalui kontrak politik

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasiwan Nasiwan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The People

Before the General Election to choose the legislative members, that is held on April 5, 2005 and President General Election, that is held on June 5 and September 20, 2004, there was a political phenomenon, which then popularly said "a political contract. " The political contract was initiated by some elements of 'the civil society', which were the important components of the political power of pro-reform community. Looking at the cultural side, the existence of the political contract in the development of Indonesian politics implied that there was a change in cognitive, affective and evaluation  orientation of some of Indonesian people in their attitudes and political habits to be more rational.  The emergence of the more-rational political orientation was also pushed by the previous political experience of ''being betrayed by the political elite ', just like in 1999 General Election at the reform era. The chance also rose after the changes in the system of General Election that introduced the district and proportional system, and the direct president election that rose up the important of people's vote and aspiration. The changes had pushed the political elites to approach the people, fit themselves with the people's rhythm and dynamism, including the aspiration for political transparency and political accountability by willing to sign the political contract. 

scholarly journals Returning urban political elites to the research agenda: the case of the Southern Low Countries (c. 1350 – c. 1550)

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.

scholarly journals Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”

scholarly journals KONTRIBUSI NU SEBAGAI ORGANISASI CIVIL SOCIETY DALAM DEMOKRATISASI

Dialog ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Suryani Suryani
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The People ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama

This paper illustrates how the political dynamics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as a part of civil society in Indonesia in the national political constellation. NU is a concrete example of the people power in the form of civil society whose existence should be noted. As the largest Muslim community in Indonesia, NU was recorded as the entity who contacted and reinforced the concept of civil society in Indonesia earlier than other Muslim modernist communities. NU activists and intellectuals play an earlier role in developing the discourse of civil society since the independence to now compared to Muhammadiyah, HMI alumni, or other Muslim leaders alumni from Masyumi.

scholarly journals Role of political parties in modern processes of state building in Ukraine

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-12
Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Power ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The People ◽  
Problematic Situations

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.

scholarly journals COMMODIFICATION OF RELIGION IN THE REALM OF LOCAL POLITICS: A STUDY OF THE TAREKAT NAQSABANDIYAH IN ROKAN HULU REGENCY

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Tito Handoko ◽  
Mega Hidayati ◽  
Muhammad Azhar ◽  
Abdul Munir Mulkan ◽  
M . Rafi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Relationship ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Kinship Ties ◽  
The Relationship

This article aims to analyze the relationship between the teacher and the congregation of the Naqsabandiyah in local political action and their relationship with local political elites. This study uses a qualitative approach that aims to interpret a case that will be carefully examined and analyzed using periodic descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that the pattern of relations between teachers and congregation of the Naqsabandiyah groups in local political action in Rokan Hulu Regency tends to be more accommodating to the authorities, where the political orientation of this group has undergone a transition from traditional to rational action with its own political choices. Then, the relationship between the group and local political elites in socio-religious practices has confirmed the existence of a very strong religious and political relationship, where the Naqsabandiyah sees Achmad (local political elite) as a group representation traced from the existence of kinship ties.

scholarly journals Come Fly With Me: Analyzing The F-35 Aircraft Acquisition Discourse to Study Incivility in Question Period

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
The People ◽  
Canadian Politics ◽  
The Government

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.

scholarly journals Praktik Demokrasi Pasca-Pemilu di Tingkat Lokal: Preferensi para Aktor Elite dalam Perspektif Teori Pilihan Rasional

Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman
Keyword(s):  
Rational Choice ◽  
Rational Choice Theory ◽  
Choice Theory ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The People ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Electoral Democracy

Electoral democracy generates the political elites. Because these political elites are born through a democratic process, they are expected to practice their power in accordance to the basic principles of democracy. One of them is to open the opportunity and acces of people to participatie in decision making proceses. Nevertheless, the problem is that the political elites who were elected through electoral democracy tend to close the participation of citizen in policy making process. To analyze how the political elites formulated the policy and what the rationality of the policy was, this article used rational choice theory. Article used secondary data to analyze the problem. Results of the analysis showed that democracy in local level after elections was determined by rationality, preferences, and interests of the political elites. The practices of power of the elites in local level in the context of rational choice theory made opportunity and access for the people obstructed. It then affects the existing development policies reflect only rationality, preferences, and interests of some elites. 

VOOR DE VORST, MAAR IN NAAM VAN HET VOLK

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Corné Smit
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People

FOR THE KING, BUT IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE How the conservative ‘Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage’ developed its populist traits The Dutch conservatives in the nineteenth century used the concept of volkskoning (the people’s king) to legitimize their defence of royal prerogatives against the increasing power of parliament. This concept emphasized the bond between monarch and people and depicted the political elite as a threat to both. Based on a study of the conservative newspaper Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage, this article argues that the idea of the volkskoning was developed into a more populist argument in which the people became the de facto sovereign who had to be protected against the rotten elite in parliament.

The Political Economy of Aleppo in an Age of Ottoman Reform

2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 290-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Masters Masters*
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Agricultural Resources ◽  
Marked Decline ◽  
Euphrates Valley ◽  
The Way

AbstractThe return of Ottoman rule to Aleppo in 1840 corresponded with the inauguration of the reform era (1839-76). Although the central Ottoman state could not have foreseen the outcome, these political reforms undermined its economic sovereignty in two key areas. The Ottoman land reform law of 1858 and schemes to settle the Bedouin in northern Syria enabled Aleppo’s political elite to scramble for the steppe lands of the Euphrates valley and ultimately paved the way for European capitalists to exploit the agricultural resources of the region. Additionally, attempts to control the abuses of the capitulatory system provoked a marked decline in the relative fortunes of the city’s traditional commercial elite, with much of the internal regional trade shifting into the hands of European merchants.Le retour des Ottomans à Alep en 1840 correspond au début de la période de réformes (1839-1876). Bien que l’état central ottoman n’eût pas pu prévoir leurs conséquences, ces réformes politiques ont miné sa souveraineté économique dans deux régions clé. Le code foncier ottomane de 1858 et les projets visant à la sédentarisation des Bédouins dans la Syrie du Nord ont permis à l’élite politique d’Alep une ruée vers les steppes de la vallée de l’Euphrate et ont fini par préparer le chemin aux capitalistes européens qui sont venus exploiter les ressources agricoles de la région. En outre, les tentatives d’obtenir le contrôle des abus du système capitulaire ont provoqué le déclin marqué des fortunes concernées de l’élite commerciale traditionnelle car une grande partie du commerce intérieure régio-nale tombait dans les mains des négociants européens.

‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Smyth
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Sovereignty ◽  
Inferior Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And Ethnicity ◽  
Two Kingdoms

ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.

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