scholarly journals PEREMPUAN MINANGKABAU DALAM PANGGUNG POLITIK

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindayanti Lindayanti
Keyword(s):  
Community Structure ◽  
Education Level ◽  
Indigenous Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Position ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Unique Role ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

Women in the Minangkabau indigenous community structure have a unique role. In the Minangkabau matrilineal custom system, women are placed ina central position. Minangkabau women have been portrayed as having played arole in the political arena in Minangkabau for a long time. This can be seen fromclassic Minangkabau stories such as kaba, tambo or myth. Many stories ofwomen's heroism are found. What is the relationship between the ideal level andreality in the politics of Minangkabau women? For example, "Keagungan BundoKanduang" depicted in the story of Cindur Mato from an ideal level coupled withMinangkabau women performing in various fields such as Putri Rahmah elYunusiyah also established several other women's schools as an effort to increasethe education level of women in Minangkabau.

Judicial Power in a Political World

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Crowe
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Relationship

This concluding chapter synthesizes the book's main findings about the architectonic politics of judicial institution building and contextualizes them within contemporary debates. It also reflects upon the lessons of the more than 200-year historical lineage of the institutional judiciary for our understanding of judicial power in America. More specifically, it considers the place of the federal judiciary in America's past and future in empirical and normative terms, respectively. It argues that both political rhetoric and academic exegesis about the Supreme Court embody a fundamentally incorrect presumption about the judiciary being external to politics, and that such presumption leads to a series of misconceptions about the relationship between judicial power and democratic politics. The chapter offers a conception that not only locates the judicial branch squarely within the political arena but also places substantially greater emphasis on its cooperation rather than conflict with other actors and institutions in that arena.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Silvia M. Lindtner
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Technological Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Capitalist Production ◽  
Finance Capitalism ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

This concluding chapter reviews the labor and sites that have long challenged the inevitability of technological progress and its violence. The socialist pitch and the production of hopeful anticipation depend on happiness labor — the labor that produces a feeling of optimism and hope despite the proliferating sense of rising precarity. If one attends to the labor and the instruments of affect that finance capitalism needs, one notices the vulnerability of capitalist production — that is, one notices that the relationship between technology, life, and markets can be otherwise. The chapter then argues that if we attend to the labor that is necessary to nurture and sustain entrepreneurial life, we can mobilize other feelings to subvert the political economy of affect that runs on the promise of happiness. We can subvert the seemingly endlessly spiraling displacement of technological promise if we reframe what counts as intervention by moving away from the ideal types of countercultural heroism.

Performing and Politicizing “Ladyhood”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Treva B. Lindsey
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
New Negro ◽  
Unique Role ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Road ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Aesthetic Politics

This chapter explores the suffrage activism of black women in Washington. As one of the most pressing political issues of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fight for universal suffrage was an important part of black women’s political activism throughout the New Negro era. The road to suffrage ended in Washington and black women suffragists in the nation’s capital were keenly aware the unique role they could play in advocating for universal suffrage. To understand the political culture of black women’s suffrage activism in Washington, the chapter centers on the March 1913 suffrage march in the nation’s capital to uncover the various dynamics of the suffrage movement and to specifically engage how black women thought about and enacted distinct political identities. For black suffragists, performative and aesthetic politics were resistive strategies for contesting their subordinate status in the political arena.

Two Problems of Averaging Arising in the Estimation of the Relationship Between Accidents and Traffic Flow

1998 ◽  
Vol 1635 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abraham Mensah ◽  
Ezra Hauer
Keyword(s):  
Traffic Flow ◽  
Annual Average ◽  
Performance Function ◽  
Safety Performance Function ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Annual Average Daily Traffic ◽  
Averaging Problem ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

A function linking the expected accident frequency to traffic flow is called a safety performance function (SPF). SPFs are estimated from data for various facilities and accident types. Typically, accident counts over a period of a year or more, and estimates of average flow for such periods, serve as data. The ideal is for SPFs to represent cause-effect regularities. However, because accident counts are for a long time period and because average flows are used, two issues of averaging arise. First, the cause-effect relationship is between accidents and the flows prevailing near the time of accident occurrence. Therefore, ideally, these should be the argument of the SPF. In practice, however, either because of lack of detail or difficulties of estimation, average flows are used for estimation. The question is what problems arise when average flows, such as annual average daily traffic, instead of the flows at the time of the accident are used as the argument of the SPF. This is the argument averaging problem. Second, there are at least two (daytime and nighttime) and perhaps many more cause-effect SPFs that prevail in the course of a year. Ideally, each relationship should be estimated separately. The question is what problems arise if one joint SPF is estimated when two or more separate functions should have been used. This is the function averaging problem. After analysis, how to account and how to correct for the argument averaging problem are shown. At this time, avoiding the function averaging problem by estimating daytime and nighttime SPFs separately can be the only recommendation.

scholarly journals GENEALOGI REVOLUSI PARADIGMA PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN NAHDLATUL ULAMA

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Tejo Waskito
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Reconciliation ◽  
Library Studies ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Cultural Movement ◽  
The Ideal

This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.

Reorienting The Production of Space: Rhythmanalysis, desire, and “The Siege of the Third Precinct”

2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442097094
Author(s):  
Alex Farrington
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Henri Lefebvre ◽  
Production Of Space ◽  
The Third ◽  
Intimate Knowledge ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Ideal Method ◽  
The Ideal

Whenever scholars inquire into the relationship between space and power, you can almost invariably find a reference to Henri Lefebvre. However, his initial popularization by David Harvey involved an overemphasis on the political-economic dimensions of his work. This article revisits The Production of Space to show that Lefebvre considered rhythmanalysis – and not a political economy of space – as the ideal method for transforming space and everyday life. Lefebvre argues that a more embodied and intimate knowledge of spatial rhythms can inform the appropriation of space by its everyday inhabitants, in opposition to capital and state power. To demonstrate the radical political potential of rhythmanalysis, I follow my reading of The Production of Space with an examination of “The Siege of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis,” a rhythmanalytic account of the recent Minneapolis uprising. This account, which was circulated online to share tactical insights with other protesters, evokes a number of new avenues for rhythmanalytic research.

scholarly journals For-Profit Universities in the Political Economy of Higher Education

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Pusser
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Unique Role ◽  
The Public ◽  
Higher Education Act ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Education Act

For-profit institutions loom much larger in the political economy of US higher education. In negotiations over the reauthorization of the Higher Education Act, the for-profit universities and their lobbying organizations have played a unique role in shaping policies affecting all higher education institutions. Can states preserve egulations that protect the public and private benefits of higher education while satisfying the profit demands of an evolving postsecondary market? As with most political contests, much will depend on the ability of a variety of postsecondary stakeholders to become involved in the political arena shaping higher education.

scholarly journals Cartuns e Caretas objetificação, representação visual e informacional da mulher em uma revista de humor no início do século XX no Brasil

2021 ◽  
pp. 186-208
Author(s):  
Alessandra Nunes de Oliveira ◽  
Jetur Lima de Castro ◽  
Cecília Abrahão Nascimento Santi ◽  
Liliane Silva do Nascimento
Keyword(s):  
Feminist Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Codes ◽  
Visual Text ◽  
The Moment ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Source Of Information ◽  
The Ideal

This research discusses the objectification relations, visual and informational representation of the woman identified in the cartoons found in Careta, a humor magazine in the beginning of the 20thcentury, in Brazil. The relationship between humor and the image of women is problematized through the cartoons in the columns of the Caretamagazine, which created discursive deformations of what would be the feminist movement through graphic humor, that is, through comic phrases and drawings. Based on the magazine's documentary narrative raised through the cartoons, it presents some discursive and visual representations placing women in a situation of subordination. Given that 'reading' a visual text is also an attempt to dissolve its fetishes, it is added that the cartoons represent cultural codes of a given period and show everyday or thought, as well as the vision of what was or is at the moment of looking. of readers. In our scope, Caretamagazine becomes an important source of information to discuss the image of women and the objectification that was addressed in this periodical in the beginning of the 20thcentury in Brazil. In the cartoons, there are satires of the image of the feminist and women's movement. Therefore, it is worth emphasizing that the theme addressed is relevant for understanding the political-social development in the issue of the emancipation of the image of women. In short, our analysis perceives the stereotype that exists in the “poorly formatted” discourse of Caretamagazine, that influenced ways of thinking and acting according to the relationship of aesthetic standards of what would be the ideal of women and the image of the feminist movement, confronting them from yesterday to today.

On the political aspects of Agnes Heller’s ethical thinking

Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Vlastimil Hála
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Relationships ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ethical Thinking ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Equality Of Opportunities ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

AbstractThe author describes Heller’s concept of ethics as a “quasi-sphere” intersecting with various fields relating to human relationships. Special attention is paid to the axiological aspects of her concept of ethics and the relationship between virtues and responsibility. The author also seeks to show how Heller integrated a traditional philosophical question—the relationship between “is” and “ought to be”—into her concept of “radical philosophy” at an earlier stage in the development of her philosophy. She initially considered the relationship between “is” and “ought to be” to be contrasting. Later, when she had come to accept the political model of liberal capitalist society, the ideal of all-compassing equality became the ideal of “equality of opportunities”. The author interprets this shift as one in which the relationship becomes continual. He is also critical of Heller’s underestimation of the effect the “social a priori” has on the possibilities of human life.

scholarly journals The Crown and Government Formation: Conventions, Practices, Customs, and Norms

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Lagassé
Keyword(s):  
Newfoundland And Labrador ◽  
Prince Edward Island ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Responsible Government ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unrealistic Expectations

The Crown’s role in government formation is poorly understood in Canada. As demonstrated by the confusion surrounding the Lieutenant Governor’s duties in the aftermath of recent elections in British Columbia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador, the functions of the Crown are misrepresented by politicians vying for power and misconstrued by commentators. These cases also suggest a degree of uncertainty about the Crown’s powers within the vice-regal office themselves. There has been a regrettable tendency to exaggerate the Crown’s involvement in government formation, which risks dragging the vice-regal representatives into the political arena or creating unrealistic expectations about the personal discretion they are able to exercise. Misunderstandings about the Crown’s place in government formation can be traced to three gaps in knowledge. The first is a vague comprehension of the foundational conventions of responsible government as they pertain to the Crown. While the conventions that surround the government’s need to secure and hold the confidence of the elected house of the legislature are widely recognized, the conventions that frame the relationship between a first minister and the Crown are not. Second, there is confusion about what counts as a veritable constitutional convention. Conventions are too often conflated with other types of rules, notably practices, customs, and norms. Differentiating between these concepts helps us identify which constitutional rules firmly bind the Crown and which are more fluid and evolving. Thirdly, the lack of official explanations and transparency about the Crown’s functions and constitutional activities makes it difficult to appreciate the rules that surround the institution. While some vice-regal offices have made efforts to better articulate their constitutional roles, there is a need for greater openness and explanation. My aim in this article is to offer an analysis of the types of rules that surround the Crown and government formation in Canada. I begin the article with a discussion of the difference between constitutional convention, practice, custom, and norms. I then examine how the Crown’s role in government formation are guided by these four types of rules. I conclude by recommending ways that vice-regal offices can better explain their functions and avoid confusion and controversy about their powers and personal discretion.

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