scholarly journals SKEMA INOVATIF PEMENUHAN KESEJAHTERAAN ATAS PAPAN

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Budi Prayitno ◽  
Arif Kusumawanto, ◽  
Didik Kristiadi,

This study uses cross-case analysis, this study aims to provide an innovation on housing policy which is frequently fail. Housing becomes a part of the basic needs for all citizen, especialy for those who have low incomes and poor citizens as mandated on the State constitution. The decentralization era is threathenedby a massive intervention of the Central Government which only creates the Local Government to be a charity chain and burden its potential innovation of both institutions and partnerships. Besides that, housing is a part of city. Therefore, it is necessary to build a strong relationship between fulfilling theneed of housing and the concept of urban planning

Author(s):  
GERTRUDE HIMMELFARB

This chapter highlights the differences between the British and French Enlightenments by focusing upon a subject that has not received much attention: the distinctive social ethics in the two traditions. The political and institutional reasons for the disparities between the two Enlightenments include the differing relationship of the monarchy to the aristocracy in the two countries, of the aristocracy to the middle classes, of the central government to local government, and of the state to the church. No less important, however, were the philosophical differences. Where the British idea of compassion lent itself to a variety of practical, meliorative policies to relieve and improve social conditions, the French appeal to reason could be satisfied with nothing less than the ‘regeneration’ of man.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Zheng Yang ◽  
Hanxing Zheng ◽  
Wenyan Tu ◽  
Yuzhuo Chen

Abstract The importance of NGO s’ participation in poverty alleviation has not only been well documented by extensive studies but also confirmed by rich experience both at the international and national levels. In China, the government officially opened its resources to NGO s in combating poverty in 2005, and NGO s are expected to work as important participants in China’s accurate poverty alleviation project, which is the largest anti-poverty campaign launched by the central government since the foundation of PRC. However, empirical data in the paper shows that NGO s’ participation in this ambitious project is at best very limited. Drawing from more than 30 interviews and some other sources of data, this paper argues that it is the nature of poverty alleviation in China, which can be defined as political task, that should account for the NGO’s limited participation. To be more specific, the excessive workload assumed by the local government deprives officials’ motivation to cooperate with NGO s, excluding NGO s out of the poverty alleviation project is also a rational behavior that can avoid risks for officials. Moreover, the over-supplied financial resource also makes the participation of NGO s unnecessary. This research adds more insights to the study on NGO s in China by arguing that the state-society interaction in China is still asymmetrical.


1988 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
J. A. Myers

Experience with the concepts of federalism and sovereignty is usually limited to readings and lectures, especially in a class of undergraduates. Since these two concepts are the foundation of American governmental structure on all levels, I want to ensure that the students grasp them. I feel that students have a better grasp of information and its application when they can actually use the information themselves. I have developed the following exercise to explore federalism and sovereignty issues: posing a question concerning a state's revision of its constitution to the students as if they were on the state's constitution revision commission. The lively debates and discussions that ensue cover not only the main issues of sovereignty and federalism but encompass the use (and misuse) of executive power, legislative oversight, and commissions—all concepts that are critical to the study of American national, state and local government.Towards the end of a class focusing on constitutions (and after a class covering the basics of federalism), the stage is set by talking about state constitution revisions and the trend toward simpler “plain English” state constitutions. (Note: This can be adapted for county/city/town charter revisions also.) The class is told that the instructor is the governor of the State of Confusion, and they have been gathered to form the State of Confusion's Constitution Revision Commission. The first section the commission will address at the next meeting is the following:


PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Purwo Santoso

This article aims to scrutinise the phenomenon of proliferation of local government units in Indonesia in order to understand how identity politics has evolved within and through the process of decentralization. In doing so, there are several points to make. The numbers of districts and municipalities in Indonesia have doubled within six years. Local governments have proliferated in the sense that the numbers of local government units have multiplied rapidly in such a short period. There were 'only' a little bit more than 200 units when Suharto stepped down in 1998, and that had more than doubled to 466 units in 2006. Interestingly, this took place in an absence of a definite plan, as the state showed its enthusiasm for decentralisation and a bottom-up process of decision-making. First, the state can no longer maintain its hegemonic role. Under the regimes of Sukarno and Suharto, the state possessed relatively effective technocratic and bureaucratic apparatus that ensured effective control over its people and agenda. Through technocratically equipped bureaucracies the state mobilised certain kinds of discourse that, in turn, defined what was deemed proper under the banner of ethnic and religious solidarity. Second, local elites play critical roles in the process of proliferation. Moreover, in many cases their roles have reversed since the fall of the New Order. Previously, they were co-opted by the state but now, they are co-opting the state. Why is that so? The state is well aware of and even too sensitive to the potential of ethnic-based, race-motivated conflicts, as well as secession (Wellman 2005). Indeed, conflicts did take place quite extensively in Indonesia for that reason. As a result, the state opts to accomodate the interests of local elites instead of confronting them. In other words, proliferation of local government serves as a strategy for preventing political disintegration. Local autonomy is currently the best available solution to ethnic conflict in Indonesia (Bertrand 2004). Third, the proliferation of local governments confirms the importance of territoriality or territorial attachment (Kahler and Walter 2006). Territory serves as a basis for identity politics. By establishing a new set of local governments, the central government still retains territorial control and, at the same time, local activists also have an opportunity to do so.


Res Publica ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-167
Author(s):  
Stefan Schepers

Widespread consideration of the role of the public sector was bound to develop in a society confronted by a serious economic crisis.The reforms of local government carried out in the 60s and 70s have not led to the strengthening of local authorities and their means, as claimed deceptively in politica! speeches, hut towards more influence by central government on these authorities and ultimately to its increased power over the administration of society.There is not doubt that the state in its diligence to run almost everything is not only failing in its task of governing hut is also putting society at risk. The administrations which come under the intermediary authorities could form a useful counterforce against the ever present invasion of the state.For reason of its reduced capabilities local government shows the first virtue of not being able to claim hegemony, but also of being an instrument close to the citizen and his control. Furthermore it could manage many tasks in the best way.


2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Waters

The logo for the Whitehall department responsible for English councils is a large capital ‘C’ spelling out the word ‘Communities’, sitting above a lower case (a magnifying glass may be required for middle aged eyes) ‘local government’. So it is ‘Communities & local government’ (CLG) and the signature of the current incumbent as Secretary of State is that of Hazel Blears, whose enthusiasm for ‘communities’ can be traced through a steady convoy of Government White Papers and legislation. The 2007 Local Government & Public Involvement in Health Act', for example, is soon to be followed by a ‘Regeneration and Democracy’ Bill currently making its way through Parliament. It is the final part of a relentless sequence of central government tinkering with local government, which is unequalled in the rest of Europe. Ostensibly, all of this frenetic activity is about the need to tackle an ailing local democracy and a disengaged local electorate. This scenario only fully works if one ignores the highly centralised system within which local government has to operate. So there are now duties placed on local councils to ‘involve’ local residents in helping to determine priorities; spend budgets and, where possible, ‘empower’ through transferring assets.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahditia Paramita

Housing decentralization not only positions housing sector as regional obligatory, but also triggerspublic expectations upon the improvement of housing conditions. Various weaknesses of centralizedsystem that full of generalization in housing policy makes decentralized system is interpreted as aninnovative renewal process. However, the central government still does a lot of intervention towardhousing program. Limitation happens to local government such as limitation in housing finance,weakness in coordination ability, and less established of local bureaucracy makes intervention fromcentral government in housing program financed by APBN always dominates. The least contributionfrom local government on public housing sector in decentralization era creates paradox. It is caused bythe Ministry of Public Housing (Kemenpera) that cannot perform fully as substitutional institution rolein managing housing in local area. Kemenpera position as ministerial cluster 3 makes them does nothave representative office in local area. Thus, there will be potential of a repeat experience in the past, inform of generalization in housing policy, that complicates the housing problems itself.


Author(s):  
Jude Okafor

Local government is purposely established by law to provide grassroots development. In federal states, it is usually created by law of the federating units, and in unitary states it is created by central government. However, since the entrenchment of local government as a third-tier level of government in the 1979/1999 federal constitutions of Nigeria, there have been a lot of difficulties in creating new local governments. This paper examines the dynamics of this structure and the challenges posed to the orderly creation of new local government areas in Nigeria. The paper adopts secondary methods of data collection and analysis. It finds that the conflicting constitutional provisions which vest in the state and federal governments powers to create new local government areas have created many controversies in the polity. It recommends that the creation and statutory finance of local government councils in Nigeria should be expunged from the federal constitution.


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