The State of Local Democracy in Britain

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Waters

The logo for the Whitehall department responsible for English councils is a large capital ‘C’ spelling out the word ‘Communities’, sitting above a lower case (a magnifying glass may be required for middle aged eyes) ‘local government’. So it is ‘Communities & local government’ (CLG) and the signature of the current incumbent as Secretary of State is that of Hazel Blears, whose enthusiasm for ‘communities’ can be traced through a steady convoy of Government White Papers and legislation. The 2007 Local Government & Public Involvement in Health Act', for example, is soon to be followed by a ‘Regeneration and Democracy’ Bill currently making its way through Parliament. It is the final part of a relentless sequence of central government tinkering with local government, which is unequalled in the rest of Europe. Ostensibly, all of this frenetic activity is about the need to tackle an ailing local democracy and a disengaged local electorate. This scenario only fully works if one ignores the highly centralised system within which local government has to operate. So there are now duties placed on local councils to ‘involve’ local residents in helping to determine priorities; spend budgets and, where possible, ‘empower’ through transferring assets.

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovič ◽  
Miro Haček ◽  
Alan Bukovnik

The paper analyses the autonomy of Slovenian municipalities toward the central government. Slovenia is one of the very few countries in the European Union with a one-tier local government system, and while levels of local democracy have been on the rise for the last two decades, relations between the state on the one side and local units (municipalities) on the other has slowly deteriorated, especially over questions of municipal competencies, central oversight and the local financing of local communities. While Slovenia ratified the European Charter on Local Government in 1996, the charter was never fully implemented, as the subsidiarity principle was never fully implemented by the state. The paper will analyse the issue of local autonomy with special emphasis on the three mentioned topics, using primary and secondary sources as well as empirical data from several opinion polls conducted among stakeholders from national and local authorities.


Author(s):  
Walter Kickert

This chapter analyses the fiscal problems of Dutch local government in the 1980s and the way that municipalities handled the fiscal squeeze of that time. It first explores the causes of the 1980s fiscal squeeze, that is, the decrease in municipal revenues (particularly in block-grant funding from central government through the ‘Municipal Fund’) and increase in expenditures, partly as a result of recession. It then describes the local government responses to the fiscal squeeze, that is, what cutback measures were taken and what strategies were employed, and explores the linked reform of the financial management system and adoption of ‘divisionalised business model’ structures. Thirdly, empirical evidence about the causes and effects of Dutch local public management reform is considered. Finally, the chapter discusses the longer-term effects that went beyond management reform, that is, developments in local democracy in the 1990s.


Author(s):  
Andy Asquith ◽  
Karen Webster ◽  
Andrew Cardow

Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined ‘power of general competence’ and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.


Author(s):  
GERTRUDE HIMMELFARB

This chapter highlights the differences between the British and French Enlightenments by focusing upon a subject that has not received much attention: the distinctive social ethics in the two traditions. The political and institutional reasons for the disparities between the two Enlightenments include the differing relationship of the monarchy to the aristocracy in the two countries, of the aristocracy to the middle classes, of the central government to local government, and of the state to the church. No less important, however, were the philosophical differences. Where the British idea of compassion lent itself to a variety of practical, meliorative policies to relieve and improve social conditions, the French appeal to reason could be satisfied with nothing less than the ‘regeneration’ of man.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Zheng Yang ◽  
Hanxing Zheng ◽  
Wenyan Tu ◽  
Yuzhuo Chen

Abstract The importance of NGO s’ participation in poverty alleviation has not only been well documented by extensive studies but also confirmed by rich experience both at the international and national levels. In China, the government officially opened its resources to NGO s in combating poverty in 2005, and NGO s are expected to work as important participants in China’s accurate poverty alleviation project, which is the largest anti-poverty campaign launched by the central government since the foundation of PRC. However, empirical data in the paper shows that NGO s’ participation in this ambitious project is at best very limited. Drawing from more than 30 interviews and some other sources of data, this paper argues that it is the nature of poverty alleviation in China, which can be defined as political task, that should account for the NGO’s limited participation. To be more specific, the excessive workload assumed by the local government deprives officials’ motivation to cooperate with NGO s, excluding NGO s out of the poverty alleviation project is also a rational behavior that can avoid risks for officials. Moreover, the over-supplied financial resource also makes the participation of NGO s unnecessary. This research adds more insights to the study on NGO s in China by arguing that the state-society interaction in China is still asymmetrical.


PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Purwo Santoso

This article aims to scrutinise the phenomenon of proliferation of local government units in Indonesia in order to understand how identity politics has evolved within and through the process of decentralization. In doing so, there are several points to make. The numbers of districts and municipalities in Indonesia have doubled within six years. Local governments have proliferated in the sense that the numbers of local government units have multiplied rapidly in such a short period. There were 'only' a little bit more than 200 units when Suharto stepped down in 1998, and that had more than doubled to 466 units in 2006. Interestingly, this took place in an absence of a definite plan, as the state showed its enthusiasm for decentralisation and a bottom-up process of decision-making. First, the state can no longer maintain its hegemonic role. Under the regimes of Sukarno and Suharto, the state possessed relatively effective technocratic and bureaucratic apparatus that ensured effective control over its people and agenda. Through technocratically equipped bureaucracies the state mobilised certain kinds of discourse that, in turn, defined what was deemed proper under the banner of ethnic and religious solidarity. Second, local elites play critical roles in the process of proliferation. Moreover, in many cases their roles have reversed since the fall of the New Order. Previously, they were co-opted by the state but now, they are co-opting the state. Why is that so? The state is well aware of and even too sensitive to the potential of ethnic-based, race-motivated conflicts, as well as secession (Wellman 2005). Indeed, conflicts did take place quite extensively in Indonesia for that reason. As a result, the state opts to accomodate the interests of local elites instead of confronting them. In other words, proliferation of local government serves as a strategy for preventing political disintegration. Local autonomy is currently the best available solution to ethnic conflict in Indonesia (Bertrand 2004). Third, the proliferation of local governments confirms the importance of territoriality or territorial attachment (Kahler and Walter 2006). Territory serves as a basis for identity politics. By establishing a new set of local governments, the central government still retains territorial control and, at the same time, local activists also have an opportunity to do so.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Rina Hermawati ◽  
Nunung Runiawati ◽  
Elisa Susanti

West Bangka is the district with the highest level of gross regional domestic product (GRDP) in Bangka Belitung Province. However, the average contribution of local own-revenue to local revenue over the last three years was 6.57% and 93.43% still depended on intergovernmental (IG) fiscal transfers (transfers from central government), transfers from the provincial government and other legal local revenues. This study focuses on identifying the challenges faced by local government in enhancing local own-revenues by using qualitative research methods. The results shows that 1) taxpayers who provide the biggest contribution to local revenues derived from state-owned enterprises, while the taxpayer derived from the local population is still low. Residents prefer to spend their money in other regions, such as Bangka Induk. 2) local government has not been able to optimize existing potential, and 3) there is dependence on tin as one of the main sources of livelihood of local residents. The suggestions in this research are as follows: to encourage local government to make urban-biased policies and also to enhance public education in order to create diversified livelihood and to provide insight to the public about the importance of participation in development.


Res Publica ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-167
Author(s):  
Stefan Schepers

Widespread consideration of the role of the public sector was bound to develop in a society confronted by a serious economic crisis.The reforms of local government carried out in the 60s and 70s have not led to the strengthening of local authorities and their means, as claimed deceptively in politica! speeches, hut towards more influence by central government on these authorities and ultimately to its increased power over the administration of society.There is not doubt that the state in its diligence to run almost everything is not only failing in its task of governing hut is also putting society at risk. The administrations which come under the intermediary authorities could form a useful counterforce against the ever present invasion of the state.For reason of its reduced capabilities local government shows the first virtue of not being able to claim hegemony, but also of being an instrument close to the citizen and his control. Furthermore it could manage many tasks in the best way.


Author(s):  
Jude Okafor

Local government is purposely established by law to provide grassroots development. In federal states, it is usually created by law of the federating units, and in unitary states it is created by central government. However, since the entrenchment of local government as a third-tier level of government in the 1979/1999 federal constitutions of Nigeria, there have been a lot of difficulties in creating new local governments. This paper examines the dynamics of this structure and the challenges posed to the orderly creation of new local government areas in Nigeria. The paper adopts secondary methods of data collection and analysis. It finds that the conflicting constitutional provisions which vest in the state and federal governments powers to create new local government areas have created many controversies in the polity. It recommends that the creation and statutory finance of local government councils in Nigeria should be expunged from the federal constitution.


1970 ◽  
pp. 133-136
Author(s):  
Lucy Slack

The Commonwealth Local Government Forum (CLGF) was established in 1994, coinciding with rapid moves towards decentralisation at that time, especially in Commonwealth Africa. It uniquely brings together national associations of local government and individual councils, ministries responsible for local government, and training and research institutes with an interest in local government, on a common platform. This reflects an understanding that local government needs effective central government and vice versa if decentralisation is to be truly successful, and that research, training and practice need to be brought together in a constructive and creative way.CLGF’s developmental work can be divided into three main categories:Promotion and advocacy of local democracy and good governanceExchange of experienceCapacity building This article provides a brief overview of the activities and projects which CLGF has underway in respect of these objectives. It will be complemented by more detailed papers on specific programmes and projects in this and future issues of the Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance.


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