scholarly journals The Economics of Cultural Policy in the Internet Age

2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Dayton-Johnson

Abstract: This discussion takes both a cultural and economic perspective in looking at examples wherein reducing the Canadian Internet deficit would serve the public interest, and examines the prospects for addressing the deficit with public policy. The author suggests that the Internet is important for public policy because it is a medium for delivering the "cultural sector" of the economy. Policymakers, he argues, should take a lively interest in Canadian content on the Internet for the same reason that they have historically taken an interest in the country's cultural expression more generally. After addressing the issue of access, the paper asserts that there remains a solid economic justification for public support of arts and culture, including the Internet, and provides pragmatic reasons for an activist cultural policy. Résumé : L'auteur emploie à la fois une perspective culturelle et une économique pour considérer des situations où réduire le déficit Internet canadien servirait l'intérêt public, et examine la possibilité de diminuer ce déficit au moyen de politiques publiques. Il croit qu'Internet est un champ important pour la politique publique parce que c'est un moyen efficace de livrer au public le « secteur culturel » de l'économie. À son avis, les décideurs politiques devraient s'intéresser vivement au contenu canadien sur Internet pour la même raison qu'ils se sont intéressés dans le passé aux expressions culturelles du pays en général. L'article, après avoir adressé la question d'accès, soutient qu'il y a encore aujourd'hui une justification économique solide pour que le gouvernement continue à appuyer les arts et la culture, y compris Internet, et donne des raisons pragmatiques pour une politique culturelle engagée.


2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-142
Author(s):  
Park Y. J.

Most stakeholders from Asia have not actively participated in the global Internet governance debate. This debate has been shaped by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers(ICANN) since 198 and the UN Internet Governance Forum (IGF) since 2006. Neither ICANN nor IGF are well received as global public policy negotiation platforms by stakeholders in Asia, but more and more stakeholders in Europe and the United States take both platforms seriously. Stakeholders in Internet governance come from the private sector and civil society as well as the public sector.



2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ritva Mitchell ◽  
Nancy Duxbury

Abstract: An important stream of cultural policy thinking in recent years has concerned the cluster of public policy interests often subsumed within the term "social cohesion," yet conceptual and analytical examination of the linkages between social cohesion and culture (and, by extension, cultural policy) is young and underdeveloped. To address this situation, cultural researchers from Canada and Europe came together in Edmonton, Alberta, May 26-27, 2000, to participate in a round table entitled "Making Connections: Culture and Social Cohesion in the New Millennium." The round table was co-organized by the Canadian Cultural Research Network (CCRN) and the Cultural Information and Research Centres Liaison in Europe (CIRCLE) and sponsored by the Department of Canadian Heritage. This paper briefly reviews the main themes and ideas presented during this event. Résumé : Un courant important dans la conception des politiques culturelles des dernières années porte sur le groupement d'intérêts en politique publique souvent inclus dans la catégorie « cohésion sociale ». Pourtant, l'examen conceptuel et analytique des liens entre la cohésion sociale et la culture (et, par extension, les politiques culturelles) est jeune et sous-développé. Pour faire face à cette situation, des chercheurs culturels du Canada et de l'Europe se sont réunis à Edmonton, Alberta, les 26-27 mai 2000, pour participer à une table ronde intitulée « Établir des liens : la culture et la cohésion sociale dans le nouveau millénaire. » La table ronde fut organisée conjointement par le Réseau canadien de recherche culturelle (RCRC) et le Réseau d'information sur la recherche culturelle en Europe (CIRCLE) et parrainée par le ministère du Patrimoine canadien. Cet article passe brièvement en revue les idées et thèmes principaux présentés lors de cet événement.



Author(s):  
Richard A. Voeltz `

Media critics of the war in Afghanistan and Prince Harry’s participation in it hoped that his imagined kidnapping by the Taliban portrayed in the British TV mockumentary The Taking of Prince Harry (2010) would prevent his return to Afghanistan. Prince Harry’s first deployment to Afghanistan in 2007-2008 was conducted under a media blackout to protect him from potential Taliban threats. He returned home after news of his service leaked out on the internet. However, his second deployment to Afghanistan after the mockumentary aired was radically different. The British media was now given almost unlimited access to Captain Wales in terms of interviews, television coverage, and video postings on YouTube. Prince Harry’s second 20 weeks serving in Afghanistan from 2012 to 2013 became an effective reality TV show and viral internet sensation, culminating in the propaganda documentary exercise of Prince Harry: Frontline Afghanistan (2013) that the British government and military hoped would erase the public relations disaster associated with his first deployment that prompted the making of The Taking of Prince Harry. But the successful packaging of Prince Harry proved difficult in the Internet Age. In fact, the perceived unfair treatment of Harry by the media prompted such a strong reaction in him that it can be seen as instrumental in the current attempts by Harry and Meghan to establish new identities separate from the monarchy through a newly refashioned celebrity.



Author(s):  
Stavroula Karapapa

A substantial body of copyright infringement defences is primarily available to institutional users, such as educational establishments, libraries, and archives. In light of the advent of the Internet and mass digitization, the availability of defences has been enlarged through a set of legislative instruments, such as the Orphan Works Directive and the Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market. Public policy privileges are meant to make allowances for modern methods of teaching provision, such as online courses, distance learning, and cross-border education programmes, as well as exempt from infringement new methods of carrying out research, such as text mining and data analytics, and enable value extraction from the plethora of works that are currently out of print. Although the policy reason behind the expansion of available defences has been the promotion of growth in the educational and cultural sector, there is a strong public interest underpinning the very presence of these exceptions in the statute. This has to do with the promotion of a rigorous public domain, whereby certain works shall be made more accessible for users to use and re-use. Subject to examination in this chapter is the breadth of these permissible activities and their ability to accommodate modern online services, including also the defences available for uses made by public administration.



2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (14) ◽  
pp. 3769
Author(s):  
Erika Ribašauskienė ◽  
Diana Šumylė ◽  
Artiom Volkov ◽  
Tomas Baležentis ◽  
Dalia Streimikiene ◽  
...  

Creation of a sustainable agricultural sector involves boosting the cooperation activities as these contribute to the societal and economic development of the farms, farmers and rural societies. This paper contributes to the literature on the analysis of the drivers and obstacles of cooperation development in agriculture. The case of Lithuania is considered as the cooperation activities are lagging behind the European Union (EU) practice here. Specifically, analysis of the public support measures and the expert survey are carried out to analyse the effectiveness of the public policy measures as represented in the relevant legal acts. The experts involve policy makers, farmers’ organisations and academia, which are the major stakeholder groups in Lithuania. The results indicate the effectiveness of the measures linked to capacity building (in the sense of human capital) requires improvement, whereas those related to financial support and promotion of the farmers’ organisations are much better perceived. Thus, public support measures are available to promote cooperation in agriculture, yet the legal system of Lithuania still requires improvement in accommodating effective agricultural cooperatives.



2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1545-1563
Author(s):  
Philip Schlesinger

The idea of a public sphere has long been central to discussion of political communication. Its present condition is the topic of this essay. Debate about the public sphere has been shaped by the boundary-policing of competing political systems and ideologies. Current discussion reflects the accelerating transition from the mass media era to the ramifying entrenchment of the Internet age. It has also been influenced by the vogue for analysing populism. The present transitional phase, whose outcome remains unclear, is best described as an unstable ‘post-public sphere’. This instability is not unusual as, over time, conceptions of the public sphere’s underpinnings and scope have continually shifted. Latterly, states’ responses to the development of the Internet have given rise to a new shift of focus, a ‘regulatory turn’. This is likely to influence the future shape of the public sphere.



2021 ◽  
Vol Exaptriate (Varia) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustapha Mnasfi

رامت هذه الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجالس الشباب بالمغرب، تتبع تلكم العلاقة التي تربط بين فئة الشباب من جهة والسياسات العمومية من جهة أخرى. ولا شك أن طبيعة هذا البحث قد طرحت ثلة من الأسئلة التي تستدعي استقراء يمَّكن من الإجابة عنها، وهي من قبيل: ما أبرز التحولات الطارئة على فئة الشباب نتيجة انخراطهم في مجالس الشباب؟ وكيف لتلك الفئة أن تؤثر في السياسات العمومية المحلية؟إن الفرضية التي تنطلق منها الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجلس الشباب لمدينة ورززات، مفادها أن الشباب الذين يعارضون استراتيجية سياسة عمومية محلية ينتهي بهم الأمر بقبول هذه الاستراتيجية بعد إدماجهم في تدبير هذه الأخيرة.ومن أجل تبيان ذلك، أجريت مجموعة من المقابلات النصف موجهة، ما بين شهري ماي/أيار 2017 وماي/أيار 2019، بحيث عقد لقاء مع ممثلي التنسيقية الوطنية لمجالس الشباب بالمغرب، فضلا عن ممثلي مجلس الشباب بمدينة ورززات، بالإضافة إلى مستشارين جماعيين بنفس المدينة. لقد أظهرت المعطيات الميدانية للدراسة، ما للشباب من قدرات على الانخراط في الأنشطة المرتبطة بالسياسات العمومية المحلية، غير أن ذلك الانخراط يعطي نتائج عكسية للدوافع التي من أجلها أسس هؤلاء الشباب مجلسهم. إذ بينت نتائج الدراسة، أن مجالس الشباب تساهم في خلق نوع من التقارب بين الشباب وممثلي السلطات العمومية على المستوى المحلي، مما يسهل دمج هذه الفئة في السياسات العمومية المحلية. بالمقابل، يساهم هذا الإدماج في تغيير وتوجيه مطالب فئة الشباب بعد إشراكهم في السياسات واللجان المحلية، كما يساهم ذلك في دفعهم إلى تبني خطاب مماثل لخطاب ممثلي السلطات العمومية المحلية. This article deals with youth councils, one of the mechanisms for participatory democracy established in Morocco. Their objective is to facilitate the full and active participation of young people in public policy design and implementation. This article specifically addresses the use made by different types of local actors of this facility. How do youth councils impact youth who are participating in these structures? How do youth manage to influence local policies? Those are the two main questions that we will try to answer in this paper. The link between youth and public policy is linked to the use made by young people of the public participation mechanism. In this sense, it is critical to try to understand how actors who openly challenge one or more aspect of the public intervention end up becoming actors themselves within that public policy. We will try to demonstrate, from the experience of a youth council established in the city of Ouarzazate, that young people challenging public interventions end up accepting the precise interventions they vehemently opposed once they start joining the formal participatory structures. This research is based on the collection of qualitative data from semidirect interviews with members of the national coalition of youth councils, with young people organized around the local youth council and with local elected officials in Ouarzazate. Field surveys show that young people organized around a socalledparticipatory mechanism can ensure their entry into local public action, but as a result, adopt a position at the opposite of what it originally was. This participatory mechanism manages to brings young people closer to government representatives and, as a result, impacts on their demands. The youth council’s process thus helps to mediate the approval of the official state discourse by young people who previously challengedlocal public action. Cet article porte sur un dispositif participatif mis en place au Maroc : les conseils des jeunes. Ceuxci ont pour objectif d’associer la jeunesse marocaine à l’élaboration des politiques publiques locales. Il vise à interroger les usages différenciés de ce dispositif par les acteurs de l’action publique locale. Comment les conseils des jeunes transforment les jeunes qui y participent, mais également comment ces derniers parviennentils à influencer l’action publique locale ? Telle est la question à laquelle nous voudrions présenter des éléments de réponse dans le cadre de cette recherche. La question du lien entre jeunes et politiques publiques est liée à l’usage des dispositifs publics par cette catégorie sociale. Dans ce sens il est important ici de chercher à comprendre comment des acteurs qui contestent ouvertement un ou plusieurs aspects de l’intervention publique finissent par devenir acteurs de cette même politique publique. L’hypothèse à démontrer dans ce cadre, à partir de l’expérience du conseil des jeunes de la ville de Ouarzazate, est que les jeunes qui contestent une stratégie d’une politique publique locale finissent par accepter cettestratégie suite à leur entrée dans l’action publique locale. Cette recherche s’appuie sur le recueil des données qualitatives issues d’entretiens semidirectifs réalisés entre mai 2017 et mai 2019 auprès des membres de la coordination nationale des conseils des jeunes, des jeunes mobilisésautour du conseil des jeunes et des élus locaux dans une ville ayant une situation socioéconomique différente des grandes métropoles marocaines: Ouarzazate. Les enquêtes de terrain montrent que les jeunes organisés autour d’un dispositif qualifié de participatif sont capables d’assurer leur entrée dans l’action publique locale, mais cela engendre des effets inverses à leur position de départ. Ce dispositif participatif ne permet que de rapprocher les jeunes des représentants des pouvoirs publics et de modifier, en conséquence, leurs revendications. Le dispositif du conseil des jeunes contribue ainsi à approuver le discours officiel par des jeunes qui contestaient auparavant une action publique locale.



Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

This chapter illustrates the advantages of focusing on the president’s existing opportunity structure by analyzing Barack Obama’s strategic position with the public to explain why he faced such difficulties in obtaining the public’s support. It argues that all presidents wishing to make important changes in public policy should seek to answer the following questions about their strategic position with public opinion: Did the public provide the president an electoral mandate for his policies? Does the public support the general direction of the president’s policies? How polarized is public opinion? How malleable is public opinion? By answering these questions, we are in a strong position to understand the potential of presidential leadership of the public and more importantly, to predict the likelihood of the president obtaining the public’s support for his programs.



2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Augustina Rina Herawati

Public Policy is a binding decision for the people at the strategic or outline level created by the public authority. The Sultanate of Cirebon was a prominent Islamic sultanate in West Java in the 15thand 16thcenturies, and was an important base in the inter-island trade and shipping routes. Public policy management system in Cirebon Kingdom covers politics, religion, and economic, socio-culture. Political, religious, economic, socio-cultural policy, implemented in the Kingdom of Cirebon has proven to increase the development of the kingdom. This study is a combined descriptive and development studies. It is found that good governance in the area can be adopted in NKRI. So it is necessary to consider the formulation of policy by using socio-cultural approach for both culture.Keywords: cirebon kingdom, public policy, public authority



2022 ◽  
pp. 231-242
Author(s):  
Ashu M. G. Solo

Online defamation, doxing, and impersonation are three of the major problems of the internet age. As technology advances, these become greater problems. These problems can cause serious damage to victims. This research chapter makes recommendations on how to educate the public to deal with online defamation, doxing, and impersonation. It concludes by proposing a field called “misinformation identification engineering” to develop algorithms and software to find, flag, or remove misinformation and disinformation on websites and in other documents.



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