Exploring the Fairness and Development Plan of College Entrance Screening System based on John Rawls' Theory of Distributive Justice

Author(s):  
Mi Sook Kim ◽  
Ki MIN Kim
Author(s):  
Stanley Souza Marques ◽  
Marcelo Andrade Cattoni De Oliveira

The article takes up the criticisms directed by Axel Honneth to the basic structure of the dominant conceptions of justice, but merely to point out the general outlines of his alternative project of justice normative reconstruction. If John Rawls and Michael Walzer structure theories of distributive justice very consistently and in order to get to the autonomy protection (already taken so) in a more sophisticated way, that to be satisfied it transcends the (mere) obligation of not interfering in the realization of individual life projects, Honneth proposes the radicalization of justice's demands. It is because he pays his attention to the mutual expectation of consideration. This point would be the new texture of the social justice. In this sense, the principles of fair distribution leave the scene to make way for principles which guidelines are directed towards the society basic institutions involved in a new goal: to set up favourable contexts for the success of plural reciprocal relationships.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

AbstractJohn Rawls says: “The main problem of distributive justice is the choice of a social system.” Property-owning democracy is the social system that Rawls thought best realized the requirements of his principles of justice. This article discusses Rawls’s conception of property-owning democracy and how it is related to his difference principle. I explain why Rawls thought that welfare-state capitalism could not fulfill his principles: it is mainly because of the connection he perceived between capitalism and utilitarianism.


John Rawls ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Colin Farrelly

In A Theory of Justice John Rawls constructed and defended an abstract account of distributive justice founded upon hypothetical theoretical devices like the original position and veil of ignorance, the principle of maximin, and conceptual analyses of equality of opportunities. Such a methodology places a premium on abstract hypotheticals (vs. the actual history of injustice), and idealizations that involve making claims that are actually false, in order to simplify an argument. This chapter critically examines the idealizations employed by Rawls’s original theory of justice. It argues that Rawlsian ideal theory is inherently flawed because Rawls’s idealizations make our normative theorizing prone to the valuation distortions that arise in what psychologists call a “focusing illusion.”


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Sebastiano Maffettone

Abstract Since Adam Smith's and David Hume's days there has never been so much interaction between philosophy and economics. A theory of distributive justice, from J.S. Mill to John Rawls, concerns the rationale of public decisions. Economists see distributive justice as a branch of welfare economics; philosophers, after Rawls and Nozick, pay attention to the definition of ethical constraints within the range of collective decision-making. What comes out is a normative political theory, based on the intersection between «utility» and «rights».Philosophers and social scientists often discussed this matter as an ordering (a function) of social alternatives. Before Rawls, there were two main research programs in this area, Harsanyi's and Arrow's. This paper considers just the second one, Arrow's, that concerns the construction of a social welfare function from a set of individual orderings (or utilities) to a unique social ordering (or social utility index). One refers to Arrow's program as «collective choice*, and one makes an attempt to show how Rawlsian argument can interfer with the main result of collective choice theory, that is as well-known an impossibility theorem.The discussion is based on the following assumptions:(i) Arrow's impossibility theorem captures fundamental features of a liberaldemocratic position;(ii) at least from the justification point of view, the Arrovian impossibility represents a difficulty for liberal-democracy;(iii) a Rawlsian argument is shown to be able to overcome Arrovian impossibility;(iv) it follows that Rawls’ principles of justice imply a radical shift in our conception of liberal-democracy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 712-726 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov Fox

In a little noted passage in A Theory of Justice, John Rawls argued that genetic intervention in the traits of offspring may be morally required as a matter of distributive justice. Given that the “greater natural assets” of each “enables him to pursue a preferred plan of life[,]” Rawls wrote, the parties to the original position “want to insure for their descendents the best genetic endowment.…Thus over time a society is to take steps at least to preserve the general level of natural abilities and to prevent the diffusion of serious defects.…The pursuit of reasonable policies in this regard is something that earlier generations owe to later ones.” (Emphasis added.) Whether biological enhancement actually is a moral obligation we owe to future generations is a question that I have taken up elsewhere, but which lies beyond my scope here. If we agree with Rawls that some measure of safe and effective genetic intervention may be required as a matter of justice, it stands to ask how the distribution of genetic goods – that is, the hereditary basis of human traits – should be carried out.


Dialogue ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
RYAN LONG

Luck egalitarians argue that distributive justice should be understood in terms of our capacity to be responsible for our choices. Both proponents and critics assume that the theory must rely on a comprehensive conception of responsibility. I respond to luck egalitarianism’s critics by developing a political conception of responsibility that remains agnostic on the metaphysics of free choice. I construct this political conception by developing a novel reading of John Rawls’ distinction between the political and the comprehensive. A surprising consequence is that many responsibility-based objections to luck egalitarianism turn out to be objections to Rawls’ political liberalism as well.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arvind Radhakrishnan

In recent years, there has been a growing debate on the nature of Jurisprudence. Conventionally understood as the theory and philosophy of law, Jurisprudence in the modern era, has had to deal with issues manating from the more 'earthy' realms of political obligation and discourses on the 'nature of the state'. The great diversity of legal systems we see around the world, themselves pose a complex challenge when it comes to defining the 'province' of Jurisprudence. This paper seeks to examine certain basic questions like-What is the best legal system we can possibly hope for? Will these systems safeguard the basic rights of marginalized communities in conditions where there is an aggressive display of 'majoritarian will'? In order to answer these questions this paper will be looking at the contributions of various legal theorists, in particular those of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. Dworkin posits the idea of 'entrenching' certain rights, so that these rights are not undermined or destroyed through legislative prejudices. Rawls who in some senses represents the best traditions of the 'welfare liberals, elaborates on the idea of 'justice as fairness' and notions of distributive justice. The moot questions are —can these models be prescribed in the Indian context? Or is there a prospect of an indigenous theory which broadens the horizons of Jurisprudence?


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Iqbal Hasanuddin

Charles Taylor is a Canadian Philosopher who is very critical to the idea of distributive justice from the liberal thinkers. One of them is John Rawls, especially his thought in A Theory of Justice. Then, this paper will examine Taylor’s view on that idea. To do so, I analyze Taylor’s Philosophy and the Human Sciences. Following Aristotelian way of thinking on the importance of society to achieve the human good, Taylor criticizes some basic assumptions which support the liberal idea of justice. For him, the emergence of the idea of distributive justice is caused by the failure of the modern thinkers to understand the essence of human being and its relation to society.


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