scholarly journals ORIGIN OF HEAD CROWNS IN ANCIENT AESTIA AND PRUSSIANS

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
V.I. Kulakov ◽  

The archaeological material of the south-eastern Baltic States contains several rare specimens of typeset head corollas for the antiquities of the Western Balts. The conclusions obtained as a result of the analysis of the head corollas of the Western Balts of the I-XIV centuries can be presented as follows: 1. Northern European masters at the beginning of our era created their own versions of head wreaths, based on examples of ancient votive wreaths. The latter were used both in triumphal events and at the burial of notable members of ancient society. It remains unclear under what conditions the Scandinavians could adopt the idea of a votive wreath, reworking it in the form of head corollas. 2. In phase B1, individual representatives of the northern tribes appear on Sambia, who brought crowns with them to the Amber Coast as part of the matrimonial "import", which were attached in especially solemn (cult ?) in cases of head covering. 3. In Roman times, head crowns did not find their place in the material culture of the population of the western outskirts of the Baltic world. In the early Middle Ages, through the mediation of master jewelers of south-eastern Europe, the tradition of wearing corollas made using Byzantine traditions spread in the Baltic States. It is possible that these traditions came to the Baltic States with groups of artisans along the Vislin trade route – the ancient Great Amber Road.

Author(s):  
Mia Korpiola

Secular law remained largely customary and uncodified in east central Europe. While much of south-eastern Europe had remained Christian ever since Roman times, most of east central Europe was Christianized during the high Middle Ages. The Baltic region came later, Lithuania only being converted after 1387. South-eastern Europe was influenced first by Byzantine and then Italian law. In much of east central Europe secular law was based on Slavic customs, later influenced by canon law and German law. The Sachsenspiegel, Schwabenspiegel, and German town law spread to the whole region alongside the German colonization of east central Europe. Towns functioned as conduits of German and learned law. Certain territorial rulers actively promoted Roman law and (partial) codification, while the local nobility preferred uncodified customary law. In addition to foreign university studies, the fourteenth-century universities of Prague and Krakow, cathedral chapters, and notaries helped disseminate the ius commune into the region.


The article is devoted to clarifying the problem of the end of postcommunist transformations and the essence of the further development of the ex-postcommunist countries. The avalanche collapse of the communist regimes at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s led to the beginning of postcommunist transformations. Today it can be stated that this process is over. The author argues this conclusion with the following considerations: 1) any transformational process, the essence of which is to replace one quality of society or its political system with another, cannot go on indefinitely, it must end someday; 2) the end of the transformation process is due to the establishment of a new quality; 3) the totalitarian nature of the previous communist regimes presupposes the multivariate end of postcommunist transformations. Various postcommunist countries have achieved different results during transformations. In Central-Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, and a number of countries in South-Eastern Europe, postcommunist transformations have culminated in the establishment of democracy. The transformations of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan was over the establishment of authoritarian regimes. Neo-totalitarian regimes have emerged in Belarus, Russia, and Turkmenistan. In Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Armenia, Georgia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova and Ukraine, political development fluctuates between democracy and authoritarianism for a long time. The author concludes that the period of postcommunism in all these countries finally over in the middle of 2010s. The end of postcommunism marked the beginning of a new stage in the socio-political development of the ex-communist countries. Its main tendencies are revealed in this paper. The author includes in such: 1) a fall the level of democracy in Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe; 2) a strengthening differentiation of political development of single regions and the countries; 3) a growth of nationalism; 4) a changes in relations with the EU; 4) a strengthening Russia's interference.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (17/18) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelius Hasselblatt

Teesid: Artiklis küsitakse 2009. a ilmunud leksikoni „300 Baltic Writers“ põhjal, kas „Balti kirjanik“ on põhjendatud mõiste. Varem mõisteti Baltikumi all laiemat ala, kuhu kuulusid ka Poola ja Soome. Uurides, kui palju „Balti“ kirjanikke on tõlgitud naaberkeeltesse, selgus, et läti keelde on neid tõlgitud rohkem kui leedu ja eesti keelde. Samuti on eesti autoreid rohkem tõlgitud soome keelde ja leedu autoreid poola keelde. Ilmneb, et Balti kontseptsioon on liiga kitsas, sest relevantne regioon on suurem: soome-eesti ja leedu-poola suhetega võrreldes ei paista eesti-läti-leedu suhe eriti millegagi silma. The article takes a closer look at the reference guide 300 Baltic Writers (Kalnačs jt 2009) which was published in 2009. The initial (and may-be even provocative) question is, whether the concept “Baltic writer” which is introduced here is indeed as clear and senseful as the introduction suggests. In this introduction, some basic problems occur, as can be exemplified through the following quotations: “This reference book presents a hundred of the best-known writers from each of the three Baltic States, starting with the time in the 16th century when the written word first appeared in their national languages, and going on to the twenty-first century (the bibliography goes up to the year 2008). In doing so, it shows the historical and cultural partnerships between the three Baltic countries.” (p. 5) While the first sentence is comprehensible and correct, the second sentence shows a simple logical mistake: one cannot show a unity simply by putting things together. In doing so, one may create a (wishful) unity, i.e. postulate it, but one cannot show it. Also one of the following sentences is not convincing, but highly problematic: “For a long time, the writers, poets, playwrights and literary critics of each of these countries have deserved to be introduced to a wider international literary audience as a regional phenomenon.” The notion of “regional phenomenon” is problematic here because the definition of a region is arbitrary and several definitions of the region in question are possible. That is why the following question arise: 1. Is the concept of the “Baltic States” (in the meaning of Estonia + Latvia + Lithuania) as it is presented here the only possibility or are other regional divisions thinkable? 2. If there really is one Baltic regional identity or unity, can this also be seen in the interaction between these countries and cultures, e.g. in the number of mutual translations? Is the interaction among the three larger than with others? In dealing with the first question it is stressed that the concept of a “Baltic area” is less stable than assumed, and in previous centuries other regions than only Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were regarded as “Baltic”. In the Middle Ages, when the concept “Baltic” first emerged in the writings of Adam of Bremen (11th century), even Denmark could be part of the “Baltic area”. Later, one can still find concepts where Finland and Poland are part of the “Baltic area” (cf. Kaslas 1976). And indeed, a closer look on the Finnish-Estonian relations on the one hand and the Polish-Lithuanian relations on the other hand reveals that these relationsships are certainly at least as strong as those between the so called Baltic states. As research on this topic has been carried out earlier (e.g. Kurman 1972), this question is, however, not investigated here in any great detail. The second question is divided into two subquestions: How many writers have been translated into the two other languages, and how many have been translated into the languages of the other neighbours? In order to find answers to these questions, all 300 writers have been examined from the viewpoint of translations into other languages. First of all, how are they translated into the two other “Baltic” languages, i.e.: How many Estonian writers are translated into Latvian and Lithuanian; how many Latvian writers are translated into Estonian and Lithuanian; how many Lithuanian writers are translated into Latvian and Estonian. Then, the neighbours of the larger region were taken into the picture: how many translations into Finnish and Polish we can find? And which authors (from which languages) have been translated? Finally the neighbours of the neighbours, in this case Swedish and Czech, have been considered as well as the four large languages, English, French, German and Russian. The result was that more “Baltic” writers have been translated into Latvian than into Estonian and Lithuanian (table 2), the conclusion being that neighbours are translated more often than cultures farther away. Therefore we find only three Estonian writers who are translated into Lithuanian only (and not into Latvian), and only two Lithuanian authors who are translated into Estonian only (and not into Latvian, table 1). The most interesting and important result was that Estonian authors are much more translated into Finnish, and respectively Lithuanian authors into Polish (tables 3+4). As a final result one can state that the “Baltic” concept is too small because the relevant region actually is larger. When compared to the Finnish-Estonian and the Polish-Lithuanian relationship, the Estonian-LatvianLithuanian relationship is not really eye-catching.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-59
Author(s):  
S. V. Ivanova

The feature of historical and cultural development of the North-Western Pontic region at the end of the 4th—3rd millennium BC are the relations of its population with the bearers of foreign cultures. First of all it concerns the Budzhak culture which is the part of the Yamna cultural and historical area. The integration process in the Late Chalcolithic Age led to the formation the Budzhak culture of Yamna cultural and historical community based on local protobudzhak horizon. The most significant were the connections with Corded Ware culture, Globular amphorae culture, as well as with the cultures of the Carpatho-Danube. Contacts are manifested in two aspects — ceramics of the Budzhak culture (imports, imitations) and in the presence of Yamna culture burials (or with the features of it). They were found in different territories, in South-Eastern and Central Europe. The analysis of the material culture of Budzhak population suggests the establishment of contacts with the Corded Ware culture in the first half of the 3rd millennium BC. This allows us to reconstruct the possible ways along which the movements and contacts of different population groups took place. There has been no invasion of the steppe «Kurgan culture» into the west but trading colonization, based on was an exchange of natural resources — metals of Balkan-Carpathian area and salt from estuaries Northwestern Black Sea. The archaeological situation with the climatic fluctuations allowed the author to create the new model of correct cultural and historical processes in South-Eastern Europe in the 4th—3rd millennium BC, to evaluate both migration and trade colonization of new territories and adaptive capabilities of the ancient population of the North-Western Black Sea. The relations of Budzhak and Corded Ware cultures lasted for quite a while and were substantial in nature.


Author(s):  
Alexander M. Kolokolov ◽  
◽  
Ivan S. Prostyakov ◽  

The article presents the results of research in 2019-2020 of the 10th century settlement on a multi-layered hillfort near the village of Spitsino (4th -5th, 10th centuries). The monument is located at a considerable distance from the main river routes in the region, which excludes its relationship with the Upper Oka section of the Don trade route in the 9th -10th centuries. A significant part of the finds discovered during exploration 2019, are of Northern European origin and date back to the mid. - 2nd half 10th century. There are also a few finds related to steppe antiquities. According to the materials of the excavations, the buildings of two construction periods are identified. The ceramic complex of buildings of the early construction period is represented by fragments of stucco vessels of the Romaine type and redeposited fragments of vessels of the 4th - 5th century. Fragments of early vessels made on a potter's wheel dating from the second half of the 10th century are found in the ceramic complex of the late construction period. Thus, the monument can be attributed to the period of the middle - second half of the 10th century. This period until recently represented a chronological lacuna in the period of Slavic colonization of the region.


Author(s):  
V.I. Kulakov

The article is aimed at tracing the origin of Roman pendants (referred to as ‘charms’ in Baltic archaeology), dating them and, if possible, determining their semantic meaning. The analysis of these artefacts, found among the antiquities from the mouth of the Vistula River and south-eastern Baltic states, leads to the following conclu-sions. Hellenistic glass pendants in the form of amphorisks were supposedly the predecessors of charm pendants in question. In the early Roman time, German masters began to imitate them in the form of amber 8-shaped pen-dants. On the western edge of the Baltic world, these pendants appeared in phase C1b. In the Masurian Lake District, bronze charm pendants of the subtypes Mączyńska 530a, 530 spread somewhat earlier. They were a symbol of the divine power of Donar/Heracles, displaying his club. Pendants in the form of pinheads, occasionally found among the antiquities of the Aesti in the final phase of Roman time, are genetically ascending to these finds. Presumably, they can be associated with Scandinavian two-eyed hollow pendants, which were used to keep incense. In the Merovingian era, the tradition of using these types of pendants among the Prussians faded.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marieke S. van de Loosdrecht ◽  
Marcello A. Mannino ◽  
Sahra Talamo ◽  
Vanessa Villalba-Mouco ◽  
Cosimo Posth ◽  
...  

AbstractSouthern Italy is a key region for understanding the agricultural transition in the Mediterranean due to its central position. We present a genomic transect for 19 prehistoric Sicilians that covers the Early Mesolithic to Early Neolithic period. We find that the Early Mesolithic hunter-gatherers (HGs) are a highly drifted sister lineage to Early Holocene western European HGs, whereas a quarter of the Late Mesolithic HGs ancestry is related to HGs from eastern Europe and the Near East. This indicates substantial gene flow from (south-)eastern Europe between the Early and Late Mesolithic. The Early Neolithic farmers are genetically most similar to those from the Balkan and Greece, and carry only a maximum of ∼7% ancestry from Sicilian Mesolithic HGs. Ancestry changes match changes in dietary profile and material culture, except for two individuals who may provide tentative initial evidence that HGs adopted elements of farming in Sicily.One-sentence summaryGenome-wide and isotopic data from prehistoric Sicilians reveal a pre-farming connection to (south-) eastern Europe, and tentative initial evidence that hunter-gatherers adopted some Neolithic aspects prior to near-total replacement by early farmers.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document