The Realization of Impoliteness in Arguments between the Democrats and Republicans over the Government Shutdown Issue in the US

Meskipun Indonesia telah mengenakan tindakan anti-dumping terhadap beberapa jenis produk baja, namun impor produk tersebut masih meningkat. Salah satu kemungkinan penyebabnya adalah importasi melalui produk yang dimodifikasi secara tidak substansial atau melalui negara ketiga yang tidak dikenakan tindakan anti-dumping, yang dalam perdagangan internasional umum disebut sebagai praktik circumvention. Studi ini ditujukan untuk membuktikan bahwa circumvention mengakibatkan tindakan anti-dumping atas impor produk baja Indonesia tidak efektif dan untuk memberikan masukan berdasarkan praktik di negara lain supaya kebijakan anti-dumping Indonesia lebih efektif. Circumvention dianalisis dengan membandingkan pola perdagangan antara sebelum dan setelah pengenaan bea masuk anti-dumping (BMAD) menggunakan data sekunder dari Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) maupun Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). Hasil analisis menunjukkan adanya indikasi kuat bahwa circumvention mengkibatkan pengenaan tindakan anti-dumping impor produk baja di Indonesia menjadi tidak efektif. Oleh karena itu, sangat penting bagi Pemerintah Indonesia untuk segera melakukan penyempurnaan terhadap Peraturan Pemerintah No. 34/2011 tentang Tindakan Antidumping, Tindakan Imbalan, dan Tindakan Pengamanan Perdagangan dengan memasukkan klausul tindakan anti-circumvention yang setidaknya mencakup bentuk-bentuk dan prosedur tindakan, sebagaimana yang telah dilakukan beberapa negara seperti: AS, EU, Australia, dan India. Although Indonesia has imposed anti-dumping measures on several types of steel products, the import of steel products is still increasing. One possible cause is that imports are made by non-substantial modification of product or through a third country which is not subject to anti-dumping measures, which is generally referred as circumvention practice. This study is aimed to prove that circumvention made Indonesian anti-dumping actions on the steel products ineffective. This also study provides recommendation for a best practice for other countries so that Indonesia's anti-dumping policy can be more effective. Circumvention was analyzed by comparing trade patterns between before and after the imposition of anti-dumping duty using secondary data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) and the Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). The results of the analysis indicate that circumvention became the reason why Indonesian anti-dumping measures on imported steel products are ineffective. Therefore, it is very important for the Government of Indonesia to immediately make amendments to the Government Regulation No. 34/2011 on Antidumping, Countervailing, and Safeguard Measures by adopting clauses of anti-circumvention. This can be done bycovering the forms/types and procedures of action, as has been implemented by several countries such as the US, EU, Australia, and India.

Download Full-text

Understanding stakeholder positionalities and relationships to reimagine asylum at the US–Mexico border: Observations from McAllen, TX

Human Geography ◽

10.1177/1942778620979317 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 194277862097931

Author(s):

Halley L. Glier ◽

Temperance Staples ◽

Megan Martínez ◽

Anita Fábos ◽

S.E.D. Mitchell ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Paradigm Shift ◽

Community Action ◽

Observational Research ◽

Power Dynamics ◽

Federal Authority ◽

Major Stakeholder ◽

The Us ◽

The Status ◽

Mexico Border ◽

The Government

This paper draws on observational research conducted in McAllen, Texas, during the summer of 2019, of three major stakeholder groups involved in asylum management: Catholic Charities Humanitarian Respite Center (HRC); federal government agencies; and the McAllen community. Each group holds a unique, pluralistic perspective on migration, informing intra-group relations and exposing uneven power dynamics between them. Our analysis is contextualized by a local voice, a former long-term volunteer at the HRC, who speaks of the evolution of the McAllen border in her lifetime, as well as federal authority over McAllen and the HRC to process asylees. We dissect how this power dynamic produces a highly violent, detention-dominant immigration landscape in the Rio Grande Valley (RGV), antithetical to the practiced intersectional culture of voces locales. We reimagine how the US responds to asylum seekers by offering a community action-based framework, where these pluralistic perspectives are equitably valued. Based on interactions and conversations had with each group, we advocate a paradigm shift reflective of La Frontera’s (The Border’s) intersectional identity. This can be achieved by prioritizing voces locales and building capacity for the humanitarian sector, which is already doing critical work at the southern border. We look to contemporary movements like “Defund the Police” as examples, where divesting from the status-quo system of oppression can nurture reparative justice and empowerment to the RGV. In reimagining a more adaptive, asylum justice-oriented paradigm shift, we also recognize the need to abandon the government-controlled deterrence paradigm, which repeatedly causes tremendous harm.

Download Full-text

Colonial Plunder and the Failure of Restitution in Postwar Korea

Journal of Contemporary History ◽

10.1177/0022009417692410 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 52 (3) ◽

pp. 607-624

Author(s):

Christine Kim

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Modern Society ◽

National Interests ◽

Cultural Patrimony ◽

Cultural Hierarchy ◽

The Us ◽

The Usa ◽

Artistic Achievement ◽

The Government ◽

Academic Resources

This article evaluates the US ‘Monuments Men’ operations in Korea, focusing on wartime and postwar efforts undertaken by the government of the USA to preserve and restore artwork seized by Japan. The Asian initiative, conceived a year after the European model was established, likewise drew upon cultural, intellectual, and academic resources. Yet fundamental differences in personnel, perceptions of Korean cultural backwardness, prevailing imperialist attitudes, and Cold War sensibilities rendered a very different kind of project. Ultimately the ‘Monuments Men’ succeeded primarily in preserving the cultural patrimony of Japan, but it failed to recover any plundered objects from Korea, or the rest of Asia for that matter. Focusing on the US deliberations regarding repatriation of Korean looted art, this article lays bare both the US preoccupation with maintaining the national interests of its newest ally, and exposes an understanding of East Asian cultural hierarchy that privileged Japan’s artistic achievement and modern society above all.

Download Full-text

Changing the rules of the game: some necessary legal reforms to United Kingdom intelligence

Review of International Studies ◽

10.1017/s0260210509990374 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 35 (4) ◽

pp. 943-955 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

IAN LEIGH

Keyword(s):

National Security ◽

The Political ◽

Legal Proceedings ◽

Legal Reforms ◽

Political Independence ◽

The Us ◽

Protection Of Human Rights ◽

The Government ◽

The Uk ◽

Rules Of The Game

AbstractThis article argues that there is a need to modernise the law governing accountability of the UK security and intelligence agencies following changes in their work in the last decade. Since 9/11 the agencies have come increasingly into the spotlight, especially because of the adoption of controversial counter-terrorism policies by the government (in particular forms of executive detention) and by its international partners, notably the US. The article discusses the options for reform in three specific areas: the use in legal proceedings of evidence obtained by interception of communications; with regard to the increased importance and scle of collaboration with overseas agencies; and to safeguard the political independence of the agencies in the light of their substantially higher public profile. In each it is argued that protection of human rights and the need for public accountability requires a new balance to be struck with the imperatives of national security.

Download Full-text

Principal operators' farm risk attitudes in hot and cold climates

Agricultural Finance Review ◽

10.1108/afr-06-2021-0087 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽

Author(s):

Ahmad Zia Wahdat ◽

Michael Gunderson

Keyword(s):

Risk Mitigation ◽

Risk Attitude ◽

Cold Climate ◽

Risk Attitudes ◽

Ordered Logit ◽

Climate Classification ◽

Content Type ◽

Hot Climate ◽

The Us ◽

The Government

PurposeThe study investigates whether there is an association between climate types and farm risk attitudes of principal operators.Design/methodology/approachThe study exploits temperature variation in the diverse climate types across the US and defines hot- and cold-climate states. Ordered logit and generalized ordered logit models are used to model principal operators' farm risk attitudes, which are measured on a Likert scale. The study uses two datasets. The first dataset is a 2017 survey of US large commercial producers (LCPs). The second dataset provides a Köppen-Geiger climate classification of the US at a spatial resolution of 5 arcmin for a 25-year period (1986–2010).FindingsThe study finds that principal operators in hot-climate states are 4–5% more likely to have a higher willingness to take farm risk compared to principal operators in cold-climate states.Research limitations/implicationsIt is likely that farm risk mitigation decisions differ between hot- and cold-climate states. For instance, the authors show that corn acres' enrollment in federal crop insurance and computers' usage for farm business are pursued more intensely in cold-climate states than in hot-climate states. A differentiation of farm risk attitude by hot- and cold-climate states may help agribusiness, the government and economists in their farm product offerings, farm risk management programs and agricultural finance models, respectively.Originality/valueBased on Köppen-Geiger climate classification, the study introduces hot- and cold-climate concepts to understand the relationship between climate types and principal operators' farm risk attitudes.

Download Full-text

Religious Neutrality and the Government’s Freedom of Speech in the Jurisprudence of the us Supreme Court

Religion and Human Rights ◽

10.1163/18710328-12341278 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

pp. 1-23

Author(s):

András Koltay

Keyword(s):

Supreme Court ◽

Freedom Of Speech ◽

The State ◽

Social Conditions ◽

Religious Symbols ◽

The Us ◽

Us Supreme Court ◽

The Government ◽

Hard Cases

The issue of the use of religious symbols by the State, the Government, the Municipalities and Courts has emerged as a practical constitutional problem during the last quarter of a century. Contradictory examples of us Supreme Court jurisprudence prove that this issue is among the constitutional ‘hard cases’. The relatively recent appearance of the problem clearly indicates the ways in which American social conditions have changed and the transformation of us society’s attitude to religion.

Download Full-text

A Line in the Sea

Race & Class ◽

10.1177/0306396802044002973 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 44 (2) ◽

pp. 23-39 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Suvendrini Perera

Keyword(s):

Asylum Seekers ◽

Prime Minister ◽

September 11 ◽

Container Ship ◽

Royal Navy ◽

Indonesian Archipelago ◽

The Us ◽

The Face ◽

September 11 Attacks ◽

The Government

In the week before the attacks in the US 'changed the worldforever', a Norwegian container ship, the MV Tampa, rescued almost four hundred asylum seekers from asinking boat off the Indonesian archipelago. The captain sailed towards Australia, but was refused permission to land by a government declaring that this nation would 'not be held hostage by our own decency'. In the face of UN and international disapproval, the Tampa was boarded by armed troops and forcibly moved out of Australian waters. During the following week, capitalising on widespread general hostility towards Afghanistan and Islam in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the Australian parliament rushed through legislation implementing unprecedented measures to keep out asylum seekers. The Australian government's actions chillingly foreshadowed a wider western reaction. In May 2002, Britain's prime minister Blair proposed a series of initiatives strikingly similar to those adopted by Australia, including the use of the Royal Navy to intercept and turn back asylum seekers and the internment of refugees off-shore on large ships leased by the government. The story of the Tampa, then, is part of an unfolding global story.

Download Full-text

US Federal Data Policy: An Update on The Federal Data Strategy and The Evidence Act

International Journal for Population Data Science ◽

10.23889/ijpds.v5i5.1640 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 5 (5) ◽

Author(s):

Amy O’Hara

Keyword(s):

Action Plan ◽

Population Data ◽

Federal Agencies ◽

Evidence Based ◽

Data Governance ◽

The Us ◽

Data Policy ◽

The Government ◽

Data Linkages ◽

Federal Data

IntroductionThe US federal data landscape is evolving through the implementation of the Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act of 2018 and the 2020 Action Plan of the Federal Data Strategy (FDS). The Act and Plan seek better data governance; making data accessible and useful for the American public, businesses, and researchers; and improving how the government uses data to make decisions and for program oversight. Objectives and ApproachThis paper provides a brief overview of the Evidence Act, describing what has already been implemented and what is forthcoming and how it involves population data linkages. We will also describe the FDS, using the Five Safes framework to categorize its priorities for federal agencies. ResultsWe explain how the Evidence Act established new roles for Chief Data, Evaluation, and Statistical Officials. We describe efforts to set learning agendas and data inventories in agencies. We point to some successes, such as new repositories for tools and metadata, and progress on forming an advisory committee to explore how the US could build a National Secure Data Service. We tie the FDS action plan to these Evidence Act efforts, showing how agencies and communities of practice are expected to develop over time. We focus on the ten actions that involve shared solutions across government that focus on ethics, privacy, tools and standards. Conclusion / ImplicationsThis paper shares updates on US federal data policy that started with the 2016 Commission for Evidence-based Policymaking, up through the current administration’s efforts to leverage data as a strategic asset. We highlight accomplishments, opportunities, and challenges for federal policy, noting how political will and funding ultimately affect progress.

Download Full-text

Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

PROKLA Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft ◽

10.32387/prokla.v43i170.281 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 43 (170) ◽

Author(s):

Thomas Greven

Keyword(s):

Social Relationship ◽

Central Government ◽

The State ◽

Islamic Fundamentalism ◽

Coup D'etat ◽

The North ◽

Majority Population ◽

The Us ◽

The Government ◽

Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

Download Full-text