scholarly journals The Role of non-Western Countries in the Construction of Russian Great Powerness: The Cases of Turkey and Israel

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-528
Author(s):  
Ebru Birinci ◽  
Ali Emre Sucu ◽  
Ivan Alekseevich Safranchuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
English Literature ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The West ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Power Construction

This article contributes to the study of Russian great powerness, focusing on the potential of the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli relations to influence the construction of Russias great power status in a multipolar world. Based upon Russian and English literature dedicated to the study of great power concept and Russian great powerness, authors adopt analytic eclecticism for the theoretical framework of the study. In this regard, for a comprehensive understanding of Russian great powerness, both constructivism with its focus on identity, and neorealism stressing national interests, security, and power, are applied. The authors actively employ the official documents, international agreements, statements of government officials, and official declarations. As a result, the study examines to what extent bilateral relations with Turkey and Israel, the Wests traditional non-Western allies, can contribute to the construction of Russian great power identity. For this purpose, first of all, the factors of Russian great power construction and its role in Russian foreign policy are examined. After addressing the efficiency of great power status as a foreign policy tool, the development of Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli relations are discussed. It is concluded that Russia has developed strategically significant relations with Turkey and Israel despite the deteriorated relations with the West, and the development of these relations has supported the consolidation of Russias great power status at the international and regional levels. Furthermore, the study suggests that Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli bilateral relations can enable Russia to strengthen its great power status vis--vis the West via cooperation and competition and contribute to the construction of a multipolar world.

scholarly journals Manifestations of Neoosmanist Ambitions in Contemporary Regional Policy of Turkey

2015 ◽  
pp. 84-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The West ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

Turkey carried away by the role of the model for Sunni states aimed at becoming the leader of Islamic world and reestablishing the Ottoman Empire’s sphere of influence. Ankara distinctly changed priorities of its foreign policy in favor of the Middle East and pursued a course of gradual dissociation from the West subject to its own views at world and regional situation. Ankara’s task was not to exceed the limits of Western alliance, but for all that to advance at most its national interests. Turkey’s political leaders systematically used any opportunity to promote neoosmanist aspirations and the model of Turkish democracy in the Middle East and Northern Africa. The dynamic development of Turkish economy supported this process. However at this time the goals of Turkish neoosmanist policy are unachievable because of their excessive ambition and lack of resources for their realization.

Parliament as the Foreign Policy Actor: the Resources of the Parliamentary Diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Conservative Approach ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Essential Idea ◽  
Per Se

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.

scholarly journals Russia living from its past

2019 ◽  
pp. 171-183
Author(s):  
Isabela de Andrade Gama
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
The West ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Inferior Status ◽  
The Cold War

Since the end of the Cold War Russia has been treated as a defeated state. Western countries usually perceive Russia not only as a defeated state but also relating it to Soviet Union. Beyond that the West has Orientalized Russia, segregating it from the “western club” of developed states. But Russia’s recovery from the collapse of the 90’s made it more assertive towards the West. It’s proposed here that this assertiveness is due to it’s orientalization, it’s inferior status perceived by the West. The inferior perception by the West has triggered a process of identity’s reconstruction which will be analyzed through a perspective of ontological security. The more Russia has it’s great power status denied, the more aggressive it becomes regarding it’s foreign policy. As the international hierarchy continues to treat Russia as that of “behind” the modern states, and the more it feels marginalized, it will double down on efforts to regain its great power status it will have to dispose power. Russia’s ontological insecurity might lead it to a path of aggressiveness.

La CEE e i paesi in via di sviluppo: le contraddizioni emerse dalla politica agricola (1957-1992)

2009 ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Giuliana Laschi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
External Action ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
European Policies ◽  
International Role

- The EEC doesn't have a proper foreign policy, so the international dimension of the Community has grown on a sui generis foreign policy, in which doesn't always coexist community and national interests. Given the intergovernmental nature of the external issues of the EEC, on international policy of the Community has been relevant the member states and their individual action in foreign policy. The international role of the EEC was not produced by overall political choices, but rather from external action of internal policies. Action that often produces and has produced incoherent results between the European policies of agriculture, trade and development cooperation, which are often in conflict with each other and thus threaten to undermine their potential positive effects. The policies analysed in historical perspective are able to outline not only the inside action of the Community as expression of the composition of national positions, but also the international aims of the EEC, even in the absence of a proper foreign policy.Parole chiave: Politiche della CEE, Studi storici sulla CEE, Politica agricola comune, Politica estera della CEE, Cooperazione allo sviluppo della CEE, Politiche incoerenti EEC Policies, EEC Historical Perspective, Common Agricultural Policy, EEC Foreign Policy, EEC Development Policy, EEC Incoherent Policies

The Role of the Legal Adviser of the Department of State

1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 358-371 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
Decisionmaking Process ◽  
Legal Adviser ◽  
American Society ◽  
The U.S

In October 1988 the American Branch of the International Law Association and the American Society of International Law established a Joint Committee on the Role of the Legal Adviser of the Department of State. The Committee’s charge was to examine the role of the Legal Adviser in encouraging respect for international law in the U.S. government decisionmaking process, and to make suggestions and recommendations to enhance the Legal Adviser’s effectiveness in this regard. The thirty-four members of the Committee included nine former Legal Advisers, a former President’s counsel, other past and present U.S. government officials, academics and private attorneys. Collectively, the Committee reflected broad experience and a variety of perspectives as regards issues of U.S. foreign policy and international law. (The members of the Committee are listed in footnote 1.)

scholarly journals South Africa’s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts: A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 157-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toyin Cotties Adetiba
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Policy Agendas

One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive approach; this work argues that; fundamentally, there are three basic factors that reinforce South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping which are politics, economy and security. By extension these three elements is considered a transformational agent of South Africa’s economy. SANDF is, therefore, considered a dynamic and exceptional foreign policy tool that complements and at same time enhances South Africa’s diplomatic manoeuvrings and influence within the wider international developments. It is concluded that South Africa’s multilateral and foreign policy agendas have been driven by the pursuit of its national interest while trying to ensure peace in other African states. 

scholarly journals Identity through foreign policy: Russia and China in the Middle East

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexander Slocombe
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International System ◽  
World Order ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Social Constructions ◽  
The West ◽  
Identity Constructions

<p>Understanding national identity through foreign policy provides a strong means of ascertaining the prevailing social constructions within a great power nation state. There is a growing need to understand the national identities of Russia and China without pre-theorising or depending on asymmetric comparative studies with regional states. China and Russia are frequently compared to their regional neighbours which undermines understanding their unique identities. There are also frequent misunderstandings of contemporary Chinese and Russian national motives, often likening the modern Russian state to the Soviet Union, or attempting to understand China as a challenger to US unipolarity. Both great powers exhibit common characteristics of authoritarianism, both have recently endured massive social and national changes, and both have global interests that manifest in the Middle East such as securing vital geostrategic resources, both states are conscious of their native Muslim populations and to be recognised as a great power identity both must demonstrate influence in the Middle East. Yet, there have been significant differences in agendas and outcomes of their foreign policy decisions. This thesis seeks to use a constructivist framework to discern Russian and Chinese identity through comparison of their respective foreign policy. Contrary to “neo-realist” and “neo-liberal” arguments that accept state interests as rational, determined by the international system, and not determined by identity, this thesis seeks not to pre-theorise but to identify how their respective actions towards three key case studies in the Middle East; the Syrian Civil Conflict, the Iranian Nuclear Framework, and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, indicate their prevailing social constructions. This thesis compares Russian and Chinese attitudes and actions towards these cases. Despite their similar disposition and principles towards international relations these two nations had significant points of difference. Drawing upon foreign policy analysis and a comparative model this thesis finds that despite the commonalities between the Russian and Chinese nations, Russian identity as great power, unique Eurasian power, and an alternative to the West, ensures a defiance of its relatively weak economic position to engage in positions of leadership in the Middle East, whilst China’s identity constructions that are common with Russia, its great power, civilisational, and alternative to the West constructions manifest despite an increasingly influential and material position in the world order, has provided little incentive to engage in meaningful ways throughout the Middle East’s recent conflicts.</p>

scholarly journals The Ambivalence of Turkish Soft Power in Southeast Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Sunni Islam

With the instrumentalisation of Islam via the state apparatuses in foreign policy, Sunni Islam has become both an instrument and a purpose of the repressive Justice and Development Party and Turkey has started to be one of the front runners of countries who are increasingly competing for using Islam as a foreign policy tool. This relatively new role of Turkey has created various diverging ideas among the host countries where Turkey is active. While some countries are rather content with Turkey’s religiously fueled policies and humanitarian aid, and define Turkey as one of the most influential actors which can use religion as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of religious soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices and instrumentalisation of religion for these. Under these circumstances, this study defines Turkey’s religious soft power as an ambivalent one and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity via exploring some country cases from Southeast Europe.

scholarly journals Iranian Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus: Identity and National Interests

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-48
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Atrisangari
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
The South ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Patterns Of Behavior

Any foreign policy decision of a country is formed on the basis of certain principles and norms that constitute the identity and determine the role of this country. In case with Iran, although the norms that form the identity of the Islamic Republic are diverse and each of them can determine the role of the country outside its geographical borders, none of these norms totally dominates Iran’s foreign policy. Iran is a country located within (or neighboring to) several strategic regions, and in each of these regions it demonstrates different foreign policy strategy based on different norms. For example, Iran’s foreign policy in Transcaucasia is determined by principles and norms which, in some cases, are similar to the principles and norms of Iran’s foreign policy in Western Asia and, in other cases, are different from them. These divergent patterns of behavior can be accounted for by two concepts: identity and national interests. The article aims at clarifying the role of identity in determining Iran’s national interests in Transcaucasia and studies Iran’s foreign policy in the region within the mentioned framework. At the same time, the article seeks to examine the challenges associated with the principles and norms determining foreign policy, as well as identify the shortcomings of Iran’s foreign policy in the Transcaucasian region.

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