scholarly journals Islam and Politics in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 731-740
Author(s):  
Refly Setiawan ◽  
Melinda Esti ◽  
Viktor V. Sidorov

The Republic of Indonesia is characterized by ethnic and religious diversity. Islam is the most widespread religion in Indonesia and most of the Indonesian population is Muslim. Indonesian society is based on the principles of religious tolerance. The equality of people is the most important socio-political value of the Indonesian society, which guarantees an equality for allpeople, regardless of their ethnicity, religion or social class. Religion can be the foundation that can strengthen the country and become the foundation for development. At the same time, religion may not be the official state ideology. We study the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia. What problems arise in the relationship between religion and the state? This study aims to find out how Islam and politics in Indonesia are in harmony with the ideology of the Indonesian nation and how religious values can support moral foundations of Indonesian politics. We used analyze secondary sociological data and studied researches of the largest Indonesian academics on the problems of the relationship between religion and politics. We used the method of library research with abstracting and collecting data. A new set of scientific sources in the Indonesian language is being introduced into scientific circulation. The results of the study showed that Indonesia is not a democracy based on the principles of democratic processes of Western Europe. The peculiarity of Indonesia lies in the interaction of religious values and the politics. Indonesian politics is characterized by religious tolerance. At the same time, religious and cultural values are incorporated into the political practices of Indonesia in the form of moral and ethical guidelines. Thus, Indonesia is not a religious or secular country, but a country where religious values are the moral and ethical main ideology of state development.

Author(s):  
Ateş Altınordu

Religion and secularism have been central threads in Turkish politics throughout the history of the republic. This chapter focuses on three important aspects of the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Turkey. First, it explores the political functions of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), a government agency that has served as the primary means for the implementation of the religious policies of the Turkish state. Second, it investigates the relations between Islamic communities, political parties, and the state and argues that the distinction between official and unofficial Islam that has informed much of the work on the Turkish religious field must be strongly qualified. Finally, the author focuses on the trajectory of political Islam in Turkey, critically reviewing the literature on the rise, political incorporation, and authoritarian turn of Islamic parties. The conclusion emphasizes the need for studies investigating the impact of politics on religiosity in Turkish society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin G Leever

Terms such as ‘cultural competence’ and ‘transcultural nursing’ have comfortably taken their place in the lexicon of health care. Their high profile is a reflection of the diversity of western societies and health care’s commitment to provide care that is responsive to the values and beliefs of all who require treatment. However, the relationship between cultural competence and familiar ethical concepts such as patient autonomy has been an uneasy one. This article explores the moral foundations of cultural competence, ultimately locating them in patient autonomy and patient good. The discussion of patient good raises questions about the moral relevance of a value’s rootedness in a particular culture. I argue that the moral justification for honoring cultural values has more to do with the fact that patients are strongly committed to them than it does with their cultural rootedness. Finally, I suggest an organizational approach to cultural competence that emphasizes overall organizational preparedness.


Author(s):  
Halil Ibrahim Yenigun

How Islam and politics get entangled with each other is a remarkable topic of interest. Islam’s relationship with politics is a highly remarkable topic of interest. Islam’s inception as a religion in the 7th century was a historical event that signified the emergence of a powerful, Arab-Muslim empire on the world scene. The trajectory of the relationship between Islam—as a normative ideal that is constantly interpreted by its followers—and politics—in the form of authority structures, public policies, international relations, or everyday political relations with the government, communities, or society—is complex. The convoluted relationship between Islam and politics can be studied on multiple layers. First, by looking at the normative sources, chiefly the verses in the Qur’an and the earliest narratives about the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions (Sahaba; i.e., the hadith) and major historical events that set precedents, such as the first caliphate controversy and the Karbala Massacre (680). Together, these sources form the foundation of Islamic political vocabulary and set the parameters of the ongoing discourse on legitimate Muslim modes of behavior in politics. Second, the historical trajectory of the relationship between religion and politics manifested itself in premodern Muslim-dominant contexts. These manifestations are sought within the complex web of relations among the followers of sects, schools of thought, and among different religious classes, nobility, and governments, who contested the religious and political space. When a sense of political, cultural, and intellectual siege by the people of European descent, dubbed collectively as the “West,” dominated Muslim-majority societies and cultures, earlier patterns and constellations underwent serious transformations. Revivalist and reformist trends are crucial elements of these changing patterns. Corollary to these trends are Muslims’ indigenization of European ideologies such as liberalism, socialism, and nationalism in addition to their own formulation of Islamism as a political ideology. Finally, the relationship between religion and politics as conceived in Muslim thought from the classical age onward is found in scholars’ and thinkers’ political articulations of Islam in the mirror of the princes literature, theological works, philosophical treatises, political jurisprudence literature, also known as fiqh al-siyasah or al-siyasah al-shar’iyyah, and ethical treatises. Apart from the foundational texts and interpretive communities of the past, whether motivated by Islam or not, social and political actors in Muslim-majority societies, whether democratic masses or political elite, have reconceived the relationship between Islam and politics and redefined what Islam means politically. Ultimately, this relationship is constantly renegotiated by all those involved within this nexus of theory and praxis.


Symposion ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Radoslav Baltezarevic ◽  
Borivoje Baltezarevic ◽  
Piotr Kwiatek ◽  
Vesna Baltezarevic ◽  

The emergence of the Internet and various forms of virtual communities has led to the impact of a new social space on individuals who frequently replace the real world with alternative forms of socializing. In virtual communities, new ‘friendships’ are easily accepted; however, how this acceptance influences cultural identity has not been investigated. Based on the data collected from 443 respondents in the Republic of Serbia, authors analyze this connexion, as well as how the absorption of others’ cultural values is reflected on the local cultural values. The results show that the adoption of others’ cultural values diminished the bond with the local community. The present paper adds to the theory of virtual communities by examining the relationship between the acceptance of an unknown person in a virtual community and its effects on cultural identity. This study contributes to the clarification of the impact that virtual networking has on cultural identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Crede ◽  
Jaehee Jong ◽  
Peter Harms

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the effectiveness of transformational leadership behaviors are moderated by a country’s cultural values and cultural practices. Design/methodology/approach The authors describe a meta-analytic review of the relationship between transformational leadership and employee performance (task performance and OCBs) using data from over 57,000 individuals, 215 samples and 34 countries. The authors examine whether this relationship is moderated by the cultural values and practices of the country in which the study was located – after first controlling for methodological factors. Findings The authors find that cultural values and practices moderate the transformational leadership – employee performance relationship such that the relationship is much stronger in countries whose culture is incongruent with transformational leadership. Research limitations/implications Data were only available for 34 countries and it is unclear what role industry type and job type play in determining transformational leadership effectiveness or if these situational variables are confounded with culture. The findings call into question the generalizability of transformational leadership across countries and cultures. Practical implications The findings suggest that the value of transformational leadership behaviors may be limited in developed economies such as Western Europe and North America, while transformational leadership is most effective in Africa, the Middle East, South America and parts of Southeast Asia. Originality/value This is the first paper to examine the generalizability of transformational leadership across 34 countries and is by far the largest review ever conducted into the relationship between transformational leadership and subordinate performance.


Keruen ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenzhekhan Matyzhanov ◽  

The article comprehensively investigates the phenomenon of play and its relationship with cultural and social categories such as ritual, ritual, customs, and traditions based on folklore and ethnographic materials of the Kazakh and Turkic peoples. Game culture as the most active means of cultural and social interaction in society, deeply rooted in all spheres of human life, is an integral element of the development of modern society. Folk customs and traditions are reflected in religion, arts, crafts, politics, science, military sports games, education, upbringing, economics, and entrepreneurship. The game, reflected in public life, affects socio-cultural activity, diversity in diversity, the transformation of concepts, and the future development of society. The article defines the ontological meaning and archetypal basis of the interaction of games and socio-cultural processes of our time, identifies the general attributes and originality of games. The manifestation of ancient beliefs in the games of a shaman is illustrated, their role in a specific ritual is revealed, the integration of play elements in the ritual complex, the versatility of the shaman's personality, the relationship between play elements and rituals are traced. The origins of the gaming culture go back to ancient beliefs, magic, cults, family rituals. For example, the youth games "Shivering Baba Baba", "White Storm" and "Hand Trap" recreate the opposition of winter and summer, old and new, young, the relationship between a girl and a boy. Mostly "summer", "new" and "young", "guy" win and win. These game elements, which were once an integral part of the ritual complex, were later combined and separated into a separate game. Each subsequent time they deviate from the original ritual. This tendency can be traced in many national games, the origin of which dates to the period of ritual folklore. The game "Kokpar", extremely popular among the Turkic peoples, is a national equestrian game. The name of the game comes from the "blue wolf" totem. The author of the article conclusively states that during a long hunt, a young man kidnapped a killed (wounded) wolf, the other participants in the game tried to catch him. As a result of the study, it is important to conclude that ritual and play are multifunctional, multilingual, differ not only in their symbolism, but also in how beliefs, religious motives and everyday life are reflected in them. Their ontological, epistemological, and axiological significance and ambivalence are great. The game has always been and remains a universal way of interacting with reality. Traditional ceremonies, games and holidays reflect the cultural component of the people, reveal the nature of the world. The game promotes cultural and moral priorities in the social environment, stereotypes related to age, gender, profession. Today, the game goes beyond the strictly limited framework of traditional ethnocultural phenomena, reflecting the socio-cultural situation, the system of relations and values, changes in human consciousness in the postmodern era. The game is cosmopolitan, sometimes artificial. The game culture, thus, is undergoing radical changes and is experiencing a crisis, which actualizes the need to increase moral values, moral foundations, preservation of the historical roots, and socio-communicative potential of the game culture. This, in turn, contributes to the stability and vitality of human and social life. The article was prepared within the framework of the grant project of the Science Committee of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan AP08856460 "Great steppe games (game folklore): the role of national games in the revival of public consciousness as a special cultural phenomenon".


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-91
Author(s):  
Zakiya Darajat

Discourse on the relationship between religion and state seems to be a discourse that never ends to be discussed. The emergence of a statement of President Jokowi on March 24, 2017 which discourse the separation between religion and politics immediately launched a public reaction. Some agreed, but many also criticized. For those who agree with the statement Jokowi reasoned that religion is often used as a politician tool that has the potential to divide the nation. But for those who reject Jokowi's statements argue that the separation of religion from the state is the same as denying the basis and philosophy of the state which has historically been extracted from the values of the religiosity of the Indonesian nation itself. Using historical, sociological and political approaches, this article intends to analyze how discourses on the relation between religion and state taking place in Indonesia in the historical perspective, as well as the problems it causes. This paper proves that although experiencing ups and downs, judging from the historical geneologi, the life of the nation and the state of Indonesia can not be separated from the values of religiosity. Both are always symbiotic mutualism. Putting the Godhead of the One Supreme God as the first principle in Pancasila, is in fact an acknowledgment of the importance of religious values in the life of the nation and the state.---Diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara seolah menjadi wacana yang tak pernah usai untuk dibahas. Munculnya statemen Presiden Jokowi pada 24 Maret 2017 yang mewacanakan pemisahan antara agama dan politik segera menyeruakkan reaksi publik. Ada yang mengiyakan, tapi banyak juga yang mengecam. Bagi yang setuju dengan statemen Jokowi beralasan bahwa agama sering kali dijadikan sebagai alat politisasi yang berpotensi memecah belah bangsa. Namun bagi mereka yang menolak statemen Jokowi berargumentasi bahwa upaya pemisahan agama dari negara sama halnya dengan mengingkari dasar dan falsafah negara yang secara historis justru digali dari nilai-nilai religiusitas bangsa Indonesia itu sendiri. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah, sosiologis dan politik, artikel ini bermaksud menganalisis bagaimana diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara yang terjadi di Indonesia dalam perspektif sejarah, serta problematika yang ditimbulkannya. Tulisan ini membuktikan bahwa meskipun mengalami pasang surut, dilihat dari geneologi kesejarahan, kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara Indonesia tidak bisa dilepaskan dari nilai-nilai religiusitas. Keduanya senantiasa bersimbiosis mutualisme. Diletakkannya Sila Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa sebagai sila pertama dalam Pancasila, sejatinya merupakan  sebuah pengakuan akan pentingnya nilai-nilai religiusitas dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphne Halikiopoulou

AbstractWhereas most of Western Europe experienced a separation between the political and religious spheres in the past decades, in Greece and the Republic of Ireland the process of secularisation has been inhibited due to close association between religion and national identity. This paper examines these countries in a comparative perspective and argues that the process of secularisation in Ireland has been explicitly linked to a shift in national identity, a development which has not taken place in Greece. The relationship between religion and national identity is contingent on two factors: internally, the degree in which a church obstructs the modernisation process and, externally, the level of threat perceptions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-129
Author(s):  
Abdillah Halim

Nation building requires a cultural basis and platform as a basis for solidarity. In countries where the majority of the population is Muslim, religious aspirations and political movements must emerge. Certain strategies and handling are needed so that these Islamic aspirations are not counterproductive to national development. Muhammad Said Al-Asymawi's view on the relationship between religion and politics contributes a lot of understanding and clarification and becomes an important exemplar of the dynamics of thought so that fiqh siyasa rediscovers its relevance in the contemporary world. For Muhammad Said Al-Asymawi, Muslims need a fear of secularization in the sense of placing religion and politics in their respective places so that religion can manifest in life without being manipulated and reduced by politics. To arrive at this need requires a complete and adequate understanding of what he calls authentic Islam. His mastery of Islamic treasures and the history of Islamic development, makes his views on the relationship between Islam and politics difficult to refute and dispels the stigma of some people that he is a liberal thinker. Muhammad Said Al-Asymawi offers a scientific and authentic perspective on siyasa fiqh and makes siyasa fiqh actual and relevant again in the current situation and conditions.


Author(s):  
Alan Santana Rauschkolb ◽  
José Reinaldo Felipe Martins Filho

Abstract: this article is at the point of convergence between the universes of politics and religion, trying to demonstrate the limits of one against the other, especially in view of the growth of "ideologically converted" initiatives within the current Brazilian political scenario. To this end, it pursues and exposes the understanding of the English philosopher John Locke regarding the relationship between politics and religion from the concept of religious tolerance. For Locke, politics and religion represent two distinct spheres of human action, each of which is governed by an internal logic both as to its scope over individuals and as to its social role - the first directed to the sphere of security , order and maintenance of life and property and the second to the internal forum and the search for the salvation of souls. At the end of this study we intend to highlight how Lockean thought can contribute to the construction of a posture of openness to dialogue with differences, which the author has named: tolerance.Sobre os Limite entre a Religião e a Política: contributos de John Locke para se pensar o presenteResumo: o presente artigo situa-se no ponto de confluência entre os universos da política e da religião, procurando demonstrar os limites de um em face do outro, sobretudo em vista do crescimento de iniciativas “ideologicamente convertidas” dentro do atual cenário político brasileiro. Para isso, persegue e expõe o entendimento do filósofo inglês John Locke no que tange à relação entre política e religião a partir do conceito de tolerância religiosa. Para Locke política e religião representam duas esferas distintas da ação humana, sendo cada uma gerida por uma lógica interna tanto no que diz respeito ao seu alcance sobre os indivíduos, quanto no que se refere ao seu papel social – a primeira dirigida à esfera da seguridade, da ordem e da manutenção da vida e da propriedade e a segunda ao foro interno e à busca pela salvação das almas. Ao término deste estudo pretende-se realçar em quê o pensamento lockeano pode contribuir na construção de uma postura de abertura ao diálogo com as diferenças, o que o autor nomeou: tolerância.


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