Eurasianism and geopolitics: Social mythologemes of space

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-153
Author(s):  
K. V. Radkevich ◽  
A. V. Shabaga

The article considers the origins of Eurasianism as a Russian social doctrine that emerged as an answer to the Western geopolitical concepts, in particular of the Anglo-Saxon and German geopolitical schools. Both concepts serve to justify social institutions and associations based on the difference between the spaces of the Eastern and Western parts of Eurasia. The authors argue that geopolitics of both the Western-European and Eastern-European types is based on mythologemes which claim to be of scientific importance but are not capable of achieving this status. The article shows that both theories claim (1) the invention of an ideal timeless homeland of society on the basis of a mythological interpretation of space; (2) possession of sacred knowledge (through the sacralization of space) which is actually profane. The key difference between Western geopolitical schools (Anglo-Saxon and German) and Eurasianism is the proposed connection between space and a specific society. Geopolitics proceeds from the constant spatial opposition as a factor of social-political competition. The geopolitical assessment of reality is based on the need to attack the alien space due to its initial, natural hostility. The geopolitical hostility and even aggressiveness contradicts the defensive nature of Eurasianism which declares that space unites peoples with similar values; therefore, their societies should defend their space of development from the encroachments of the Western countries. Thus, Atlanticism as a global project of the contemporary Western geopolitics fundamentally contradicts Eurasianism which does not accept hegemonism and supports the principle of a multipolar world; today, the level of conflict between these projects is not high, although there are no prospects for this conflict resolution.

2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
Shinichi Furuya ◽  
Hidehiro Nakahara ◽  
Tomoko Aoki ◽  
Hiroshi Kinoshita

The purpose of this study was to investigate the prevalence of playing-related musculoskeletal disorders (PRMDs) among Japanese female classical pianists of different age groups. The causal factors for PRMDs also were examined. A group of 203 senior pianists, including piano teachers and students with piano majors at high schools and colleges, were surveyed using questionnaires. Results showed that 77% of these pianists suffered from PRMDs in at least one of their body portions. This value was larger than those reported in Western countries. Forty-four percent of these were serious enough to warrant medical treatment, which was a lower rate than reported in Western countries. The difference in these numbers may reflect the current state of understanding of PRMDs among Japanese pianists and their educators. The prevalence of PRMDs was found to be age-dependent. In the student groups, the finger/hand had the highest rate of PRMDs, followed by the forearm and shoulder. The senior group, on the other hand, had the highest PRMD incidence at the neck/trunk, followed by the forearm and hand/finger. Care may need to be exercised for these differences. The results also indicated that prolonged daily practice (>4 hours), playing chords forcefully, eagerness about practice, and nervous traits were found to contribute to the development of PRMDs in these pianists. Hand size was, on the other hand, not a significant risk factor of PRMDs.


Author(s):  
Kriswoyo - Rofii

AbstractDetermination of the Ruteng Recreation Nature Park had caused conflicts over tenure for Colol custom community have been in and around the area since before the establishment. Conflict was due for  access to agricultural land use and timber had closed by the management. The conflict resolution involves three elements, namely the government, customs and religion which are called the three pillars. This study aims to understand the stages of the tenure conflict, relevant stakeholders and the conflict resolution. The study was conducted Colol village in April to May 2016. Acquisition of data using observation, in-depth interviews with a purposive and snowball and secondary data. Analysis of data using conflict tree analysis, stakeholders and mapping conflicts. The results showed that the cause of the conflict is the difference in value systems that implicates disagreement land status and boundaries as well as the uncertainty of access due to rights issues and access. Conflict resolution is required is to build trust between the parties, improve communication to reduce the differences in perception, increased involvement of indigenous peoples in the management of Ruteng Recreation Park, reconstruction of recreation park boundaries involving the parties, especially the major stakeholders and optimizing the coordination and communication between the parties.Colol Custom Community determine their traditional territory option to pull out of the Ruteng Recreation Park. 


Edukacja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała ◽  

The author’s text addresses the issue of the place of moral education in the educational agenda in Poland, including in the scientific literature. He describes the dynamics of the debate around this issue, the meanings given to it, the continuity vs. the discontinuity in how it is approached. The author proposes the hypothesis that the issue of upbringing/moral education has not been a priority in the educational agenda after 1990. This is due to at least two factors: (1) the lack of historical continuity in the presence of this dimension of upbringing/education in the school system as well as in public life, as it has been in Western countries, and (2) the non-standard shaping of moral issues in the school system (strong permeation of religious and national-independence issues).


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

This introductory chapter outlines the core argument of the book: that as Russia ramped up its hybrid war on the West starting around 2007, politics in Western countries has become more similar to politics in the vulnerable “lands in between.” Russia’s hybrid war on the West has contributed to political polarization by promoting extremist parties and creating a sense that every election presents voters with a “civilizational choice” between Russia and the West or authoritarianism and democracy. Paradoxically, many of the leaders that rise to the top in these conditions are those who find ways to profit from both sides. They benefit from the sponsorship of pro-Russia and pro-Western interests to enrich themselves in the process. The plan of this book is simple. It starts with exploring the nature of Russia’s hybrid war on the West and the West’s delayed response. Then it shows how this conflict shapes the politics of the lands in between, Central and Eastern European member states of the European Union, and core Western countries.


Aschkenas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-145
Author(s):  
Florian G. Mildenberger

Abstract Twenty years ago, »homosexuality« was only disputed by Rabbis and their scholars, but today LGBT-people are part of daily Jewish life, even in some orthodox communities. Despite the fact that modern Zionism and the sexual reform movement were founded at almost the same time, the two parties were, for many decades, never in accordance. Apparently neither male nor female »sexual in-betweens« fitted into a modern Zionistic culture or orthodox communities. This changed in 1980s due to HIV/AIDS and the success of sexual reform movements in the Western world. Today, the difference between rich and poor seems to be much more important than the question of hetero- or homosexuality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 101 (3) ◽  
pp. 1751-1776
Author(s):  
Didier Sornette ◽  
Euan Mearns ◽  
Michael Schatz ◽  
Ke Wu ◽  
Didier Darcet

Abstract We present results on the mortality statistics of the COVID-19 epidemic in a number of countries. Our data analysis suggests classifying countries in five groups, (1) Western countries, (2) East Block, (3) developed Southeast Asian countries, (4) Northern Hemisphere developing countries and (5) Southern Hemisphere countries. Comparing the number of deaths per million inhabitants, a pattern emerges in which the Western countries exhibit the largest mortality rate. Furthermore, comparing the running cumulative death tolls as the same level of outbreak progress in different countries reveals several subgroups within the Western countries and further emphasises the difference between the five groups. Analysing the relationship between deaths per million and life expectancy in different countries, taken as a proxy of the preponderance of elderly people in the population, a main reason behind the relatively more severe COVID-19 epidemic in the Western countries is found to be their larger population of elderly people, with exceptions such as Norway and Japan, for which other factors seem to dominate. Our comparison between countries at the same level of outbreak progress allows us to identify and quantify a measure of efficiency of the level of stringency of confinement measures. We find that increasing the stringency from 20 to 60 decreases the death count by about 50 lives per million in a time window of 20  days. Finally, we perform logistic equation analyses of deaths as a means of tracking the dynamics of outbreaks in the “first wave” and estimating the associated ultimate mortality, using four different models to identify model error and robustness of results. This quantitative analysis allows us to assess the outbreak progress in different countries, differentiating between those that are at a quite advanced stage and close to the end of the epidemic from those that are still in the middle of it. This raises many questions in terms of organisation, preparedness, governance structure and so on.


Author(s):  
Henry E. Hale ◽  
Robert Orttung

The concluding chapter by Henry Hale and Robert Orttung identifies several common threads running through the chapters in the volume. Among these are the importance of taking into account that formal institutions will not work the same way they do in Western countries thanks to local informal practices, the difference between deeply embedded obstacles to reform and those that are more contingent, the need to focus on long-term solutions, how realistic various reform proposals are in light of the incentives of political actors who have the power to enact them, and the notion that many of the reforms discussed in the volume can reinforce each other. Ultimately, perhaps the single most important driver for change in Ukraine is the European Union.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. E. Frideres ◽  
J. M. Palao ◽  
S. G. Mottinger

The differences in how the media treat information about women and men provoke a deficit in the information that girls and female adolescents receive about sports. The purpose of this study was to determine the difference in sports coverage in relation to gender in online newspapers in two western countries, Spain and the United States. All articles (N = 1,977) with athletic content from the online newspapers usatoday.com and elmundo.es were analyzed during 2-week spans in October 2003 and February 2004. The variables registered were gender, placement of article in the newspaper, number of words per article, and photographs. Results show that women’s sport received less coverage than men’s sport in total number of articles as well as in front-page stories, article length, and number of photographs. Additionally, there were 15 articles about men only for every 1 article about women only in the two newspapers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (7) ◽  
pp. 875-902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romana Careja ◽  
Patrick Emmenegger

This article examines the effects of migration experience on political attitudes in Central and Eastern European countries. The rationale for this quest is the hypothesis that contact with democratic contexts translates into democratic political attitudes, for which evidence is so far inconclusive. In this article, we are interested to see whether migrants returning from Western countries display different political attitudes than their fellow nonmigrant citizens. The analysis of survey data shows that migration experience diversifies the array of political attitudes: Although migrants are more likely to trust EU institutions and to try to convince friends in political discussions, they do not differ from nonmigrants in their attitudes toward domestic institutions. Based on earlier works on determinants of political attitudes, the authors argue that migration experience has a significant effect only when these attitudes are related to objects that are associated with improvements in the migrants’ material and cognitive status.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-56
Author(s):  
Jacek Bartyzel

The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document