scholarly journals The real aims of the USA and the EU in the Balkans

2002 ◽  
pp. 321-331
Author(s):  
Kosta Cavoski

The article explores the real aims of the so-called international community which is usually understood as the USA, as the only remaining super power and the European Union, particularly France. Great Britain and Germany. The author argues that the real and particularly long-term aims of these powers should be primarily inferred from their real deeds and only subsequently from public statements of their officials. By analyzing a number of examples in the Balkans and in other parts of the world the author comes to unexpected conclusions. While in words big Western powers supported multi-ethnicity and preservation of multi-ethnic states, in deeds they not only instigated nationalism and separatism but also hastened and recognized the dissolution of three European federations into 22 more or less national states. And while in words they apparently supported so-called democratization, in practice they not only supported authoritarian regimes but also identified democracy with occupation in Republika Srpska.

Author(s):  
K. Voronov

Despite the crisis, the economy of the European Union remains to be the largest in the world. The economic mechanism of the EU is rather differentiated. It has a great historical experience and possesses sufficient evolutionary robustness. Currently, the former relationships between the EU and the USA undergo substantial changes and new forms emerge. For both of them the greatest challenge is presented by China which in recent decades shows the solid rates of GDP growth. Supposedly, Chines economy will become the world largest on in the new future. Under such conditions the Old World has to conduct a persistent search for new sources of its successful macroeconomic growth.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
André Sapir

After two prosperous decades, the European Union suffered a serious setback in the late 1970s and early 1980s, with sluggish growth and weak competitiveness in high-tech sectors compared to the USA and Japan. The creation of the single European market in 1993 was a major boost to growth and competitiveness in Europe. Yet, today, even abstracting from the coronavirus crisis, the European Union again faces some economic troubles. Growth has been subdued for a while and the EU is suffering yet again from weak competitiveness in high-tech sectors compared to the USA and to China, which has replaced Japan as the main Asian powerhouse. At the same time, however, the geopolitical situation has changed dramatically. In the earlier days, the world was divided between East and West, and all three main economic powers, the EU, Japan, and the USA, were in the same political camp. Their rivalry was therefore purely economic. Today, there are political dividing lines between the three main economic powers. The EU’s competitiveness problem vis-à-vis China and the USA in some key technologies is therefore not just economic but also geopolitical. Yet, the European Union remains largely an economic entity, though it has started to think and even to act geopolitically. The obvious question is whether Europe will be able to repeat its achievement of nearly 30 years ago and come up with a new design that will boost its growth and competitiveness in this new geopolitical era, or whether this quest will prove elusory.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Lieberman ◽  
Tim Gray

The World Trade Organization (WTO) recently ruled on the case brought by the US, Canada and Argentina against the moratorium imposed by the European Union (EU) on imports of genetically-modified (GM) food and crops. Although the WTO's ruling has been greeted by the complainant countries as a victory, it found in their favor on only one narrow technical procedural issue, and it rejected more substantive challenges to the EU moratorium. In this article, we analyze the WTO report and explain the issues at stake, focusing particularly on the question of why the USA chose the WTO as the forum for its challenge to the EU moratorium, and whether it was wise to do so. Has the USA achieved its aims through the trade-specific WTO, or should it have taken its challenge to the more hostile, but environment-specific forum of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety? Alternatively, should the USA have refrained from mounting an official international challenge at all?


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Bartosz Fortuński

Aim: CO2 emissions and the related climate change are a global problem, where the direct impact of actions of individual countries depends on their total share in CO2 emissions. In order to assess the potential for policy measures, the openness of an economy, and the related import and export and their impacts on emissions should be considered. The aim of this paper is the attempt to show the real CO2 emissions of the Netherlands as well as the impact of its trade on CO2 emissions in other countries in the world and in the EU in 2015.Design / Research methods: This study was conducted on the group of countries that are the major emitters of CO2 in the world including most of the EU members. Countries with negligible CO2 emissions were omitted. Actual CO2 emissions were obtained by applying the actual emission factor. This takes into account the transfer of CO2 in export products and services as well as those imported by particular countries.Conclusions / findings: The real CO2 emissions in the Netherlands are significantly different from the gross values, which represent the CO2 emissions in the particular countries. It is also important to indicate that isolated actions of a single country within the European Union itself do not deliver the intended global and regional target – significant CO2 emissions reduction. The approach proposed in this study, when applied, may have serious implications for individual EU member states in implementing their energy policy objectives.Originality / value of the article: The article shows a different approach to the issue of CO2 emission, including the importance of international trade in a globalizing world.


2019 ◽  
pp. 316-322
Author(s):  
M. HADDAD

The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory. The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.


Author(s):  
Dimitrije Gašić

The escalating pace of globalization affects the increased need of organizations to develop effective compensation programs. Business cannot be imagined without one of the key things and that is human resources. Creative and productive employees are of great importance for the success of any organization. For the satisfaction and loyalty of employees, the compensation system, which consists of basic pay, incentive pay, and benefits, is of key importance. The goal of the compensation system is to simultaneously ensure the main goals of employees and employers, i.e. the purchasing power and satisfaction of employees, as well as the business success of the company. In times of crisis, determining the amount of basic pay, selecting adequate incentives, and offering various benefits became especially important. The aim of this paper is to present the basic elements of the compensation system in twenty countries around the world and to analyze the impact of national culture on the compensation system. The paper will present the following dimensions of national culture according to Hofstede's classification: distance from power, individualism versus collectivism, male versus female cultures, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term versus short-term orientation, compliant versus restrained cultures. The analysis included twenty countries around the world, which are grouped as follows: the first 8 countries are members of the EU, the other 6 countries are located in the CEE region and the last 6 countries represent very important countries around the world. The paper determines the influence of the dimensions of national culture on the compensation system in selected countries from the European Union, the region of Central and Eastern Europe, and other countries, the paper is the basis for further research in this area.


2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-325
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

The paper seeks to explain the basic characteristics, tendencies and perspectives of relations in the USA-EU-Russia triangle and their significance and impact in the wider international context. The author explains the circumstances and the problems the USA, EU and Russia face in their mutual cooperation, as well as the impact of this strategically important cooperation on the overall international relations. She points to the fact that in addition to the many common interests, there are significant differences and contradictions in both international positions, as well as in the immediate and long term goals of the USA, EU and Russia. It is emphasized that an effective fight with a series of new threats and challenges in the world, will ultimately require the restructuring of relations between the EU and NATO, as well as the development of specific strategies for cooperation between USA, EU and Russia. At the same time, as was stated, the EU should play a greater role than before. It is concluded that in this respect there are many unused opportunities for cooperation between Russia, EU and USA, and that the impact of the EU in the world depends upon EU?s willingness and ability to contribute to resolving international security problems.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Göran Gunner

Authors from the Christian Right in the USA situate the September 11 attack on New York and Washington within God's intentions to bring America into the divine schedule for the end of the world. This is true of Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, and other leading figures in the ‘Christian Coalition’. This article analyses how Christian fundamentalists assess the roles of the USA, the State of Israel, Islam, Iraq, the European Union and Russia within what they perceive to be the divine plan for the future of the world, especially against the background of ‘9/11’. It argues that the ideas of the Christian Right and of President George W. Bush coalesce to a high degree. Whereas before 9/11 many American mega-church preachers had aspirations to direct political life, after the events of that day the President assumes some of the roles of a mega-religious leader.


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