scholarly journals State feminism in Serbia - institutionalization of feminist policies and practices

Sociologija ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-371
Author(s):  
Zorana Antonijevic

The analysis that will be addressed in this paper will be in the outline of understanding the relationship between gender and politics as a dynamic and variable impact of the women?s movement on public policy and their institutionalization. Within the theoretical framework of ?state feminism?, I will try to give a critical review of the impact and results of the gender equality mechanisms (women?s policy agencies), especially in relation to the policies and practices of the feminist movement in Serbia. My analysis will be primarily based on the theoretical bases derived from the research project on state feminism (2010) conducted by Dorothy E. McBride and Amy G. Mazur for more than thirty years. Also, some academic work dealing with state feminism concept will be examined trough case studies from the Western Balkans countries (Kesic, 2007,Spehar, 2007, 2012, 2014). Examples from the level of the European Union will be also taken into account (Squires 2007; Kantola and Outshoorn, 2007; Kantola and Dahl 2005; Kantola and Squires, 2012). Also, ?state feminism? is examined within the framework of the semi-periphery and policy creation in the process of transition and European Union accession.

Author(s):  
Ainhoa LASA LÓPEZ

LABURPENA: Artikulu honetan, Europar Batasuneko botere-artikulazio berriak erkidegotan osatutako Espainian zer eragin daukan aztertuko dugu. Europa mailako politika-ekonomia erlazioak funtsezko bi koordenatu izan behar ditu ezinbestean. Alde batetik, Europako konstituzio-ordena ez dela gizartearen konstituzionalismoaren koordenatuetan ernatutako ordenaren berdina. Bestetik, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa Europa bat egiteko proiektuak berarekin dakartzan aldaketa berriak gorpuzteko eremua dela. Izan ere, funtsean, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa plataforma ezin hobea delako boterearen artikulazioa berria nola artikulatu asmatzeko, Europa guztirako. RESUMEN: el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el impacto que tiene la nueva articulación del poder en la Unión Europea en el Estado español de las autonomías. La relación política-economía a nivel europeo debe tener en cuenta dos coordenadas fundamentales. Por una parte, la consideración del orden constitucional europeo como un orden distinto al gestado bajo las coordenadas del constitucionalismo social. Por otra, la caracterización de la constitución económica europea como ámbito de materialización de las nuevas transformaciones que incorpora el proyecto de integración europeo. Fundamentalmente, porque la constitución económica europea representa la plataforma idónea desde la que dilucidar la nueva articulación del poder desde el espacio supranacional europeo. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the new articula tion of power in the European Union in the Spanish state of autonomies. The relationship between politics and economy at European level must take into consideration two fundamental coordinates. On the one hand, the Euro pean constitucional system appears as a system opposite to that of social constitutionalism. Moreover, the characterization of the European economic constitution as a field of realization of the new transformations incorporated by the European project. Specially, because this represents the ideal platform in order to analyse the new articulation of power from European supranational space.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niké Wentholt

AbstractThe European Union (EU) developed a state-building strategy for the aspiring member states in the Western Balkans. Demanding full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the EU made transitional justice part of the accession demands. Scholars have recently criticized the EU’s limited focus on retributive justice as opposed to restorative justice. This paper goes beyond such impact-orientated analyses by asking why the EU engaged with retributive transitional justice in the first place. The EU constructed ICTY-conditionality by mirroring its own post-Second World War experiences to the envisioned post-conflict trajectory of the Western Balkans. The EU therefore expected the court to contribute to reconciliation, democratization and the rule of law. Using Serbia as a case study, this article examines the conditionality’s context, specificities and discursive claims. Finally, it relates these findings to the agenda of a promising regional initiative prioritizing restorative justice (RECOM) and sheds new light on the impact of ICTY-conditionality on transitional justice in the Western Balkans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-95
Author(s):  
D. V. Yefremenko

The article examines the dynamics and prospects of resolving the main confl icts in the Western Balkans three decades after the collapse of Yugoslavia. The most important factors infl uencing the confl ict dynamics in the region are ethnonationalism, ethnic homogenization and external interference. Western intervention made it possible to stop hostilities, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The Serbo-Croatian confl ict is close to its exhaustion due to the actual support of the West for Operation “Storm” (1995), the exodus of more than 200 thousand Serbs from Croatia, the integration of Croatia into NATO and the European Union. Despite the negative burden of historical memory, both Zagreb and Belgrade in bilateral relations are increasingly guided by political pragmatism and balanced assessments of the qualitatively changed situation. Against this background, the Dayton model of state structure in Bosnia and Herzegovina, built on the basis of institutional transactions of actors representing competing ethnocultural communities, demonstrates its dysfunctionality. The interaction and cooperation of these actors remain largely limited, carried out under external control and pressure. Regarding the structure of the article, the author, fi rst, discusses some general issues contributing to the enduring confl ict in the Western Balkans; second, the article examines the prospects of antagonism between the Serbs and Croats; third, I analyze the impact of the Dayton Accords on the post-Yugoslav space. I conclude that scenarios for the future of the Western Balkans, to which the European Union and the United States are oriented, do not lead to the elimination of the causes of major confl icts in the post-Yugoslav space and obviously diverge in essential points from the images of the desired future that correspond to the aspirations of a signifi cant part of the population in the region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (36) ◽  
pp. 127-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Pascual Sáez ◽  
Santiago Álvarez-García ◽  
Daniela Castañeda Rodríguez

AbstractThis paper provides new evidence of the impact of government spending on economic growth in the European Union countries. Governments can adjust their levels of spending in order to influence their economies, although the relationship between these variables can be positive or negative, depending on the countries included in the sample, the period of estimation and the variables which reflect the size of the public sector. The results obtained based on regression and panel techniques suggest that government expenditure is not clearly related with economic growth in the European Union countries over the period 1994-2012.


Vojno delo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Dumić ◽  
Mitar Kovač

The answer to transnational and asymmetric threats that are a topical issue on the world geopolitical stage can be found in the integration of national security systems, strengthening multilateral forms of security and the collective system of international security, as the key factors in providing peace, stability and democratic development of modern countries. In such circumstances, the need for a cooperative approach in preserving and improving security, based on cooperation and pooling of security capacities of nation states, is strengthening. This paper views the current achievements of the European Union (hereinafter EU) in terms of implementing its own security policy, primarily in the Western Balkans, in a broader sense, and the specific impact of such a policy on the security of the Republic of Serbia, in a narrower sense. Having in mind the extensive and complex context of the discussed topic, the paper considers, in the authors' opinion, an essential part of this issue, through the analysis of the position of the Republic of Serbia in such context, reviewing the genesis of the EU-Serbia relations and identifying current issues in these relations, and also through the possibilities of progress of cooperation and greater involvement of the capacities of our country in the current EU security policy in this region and beyond.


2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Ristic

After four years of ambivalence, the relationship between the European Union and Serbia is again gaining a new opportunity to flourish. The new Serbian government is formed by parties which are strongly committed to Serbia?s EU integration and hence ready to carry out reforms and fully cooperate with the International Crime Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. This paper presents the current relationship between Brussels and Belgrade and its main obstacles. It emphasizes both internal and external problems of this relationship and their interdependency. In this regard the author argues that only by a mutual commitment of both Serbia and the EU lasting peace will be achieved in the Western Balkans and the region stabilized.


2021 ◽  
pp. 225-258
Author(s):  
Lisa Webley ◽  
Harriet Samuels

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter provides an overview of the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the UK and the impact of this relationship on Parliament’s legislative supremacy. It begins by considering the nature of the EU and the sources of EU law. It then examines how EU membership affected the UK legal order during the UK’s membership and its implications for parliamentary supremacy. It considers the impact of Brexit and the UK–EU Trade and Co-operation Agreement on the UK’s constitutional framework.


Author(s):  
Mihaiela Ristei Gugiu ◽  
P. Cristian Gugiu

Although significant attention has been paid to the impact of the recent economic crisis on European economies, less attention has been devoted to the association between the economic crisis and corruption. Utilizing structural equation modeling (SEM), the present study investigated the structural relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption in the European Union. Standard and multilevel SEM was used to estimate the relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption utilizing data from the 2011 Eurobarometer. The results confirmed the hypothesized model. Specifically, the study found a moderately strong direct positive relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption. The results indicated that a one-size-fits-all policy aimed at combating corruption, or perceptions thereof, is likely to yield inconsistent results.


Author(s):  
Jelena Petrović ◽  
Žarko Dimitrijević

During the 21st century, international tourism has recorded a steady increase and a growing importance for the economic growth and development of many countries. Yet, tourism in general and international tourism in particular require a vast amount of energy for products and services that are needed to satisfy tourists` needs and wants. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of international tourism on the final energy consumption in the Western Balkans and the European Union (EU) countries in the period from 2007 to 2017. The results of regression analysis indicate that the impact of the number of foreign tourists on final energy consumption depends on the level of international tourism development. Concurrently, the results indicate that population and GDP per capita have an important impact on the final energy consumption in the EU and the Western Balkans countries.


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