Gobernanza económica europea y modelo territorial de distribución del poder

Author(s):  
Ainhoa LASA LÓPEZ

LABURPENA: Artikulu honetan, Europar Batasuneko botere-artikulazio berriak erkidegotan osatutako Espainian zer eragin daukan aztertuko dugu. Europa mailako politika-ekonomia erlazioak funtsezko bi koordenatu izan behar ditu ezinbestean. Alde batetik, Europako konstituzio-ordena ez dela gizartearen konstituzionalismoaren koordenatuetan ernatutako ordenaren berdina. Bestetik, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa Europa bat egiteko proiektuak berarekin dakartzan aldaketa berriak gorpuzteko eremua dela. Izan ere, funtsean, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa plataforma ezin hobea delako boterearen artikulazioa berria nola artikulatu asmatzeko, Europa guztirako. RESUMEN: el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el impacto que tiene la nueva articulación del poder en la Unión Europea en el Estado español de las autonomías. La relación política-economía a nivel europeo debe tener en cuenta dos coordenadas fundamentales. Por una parte, la consideración del orden constitucional europeo como un orden distinto al gestado bajo las coordenadas del constitucionalismo social. Por otra, la caracterización de la constitución económica europea como ámbito de materialización de las nuevas transformaciones que incorpora el proyecto de integración europeo. Fundamentalmente, porque la constitución económica europea representa la plataforma idónea desde la que dilucidar la nueva articulación del poder desde el espacio supranacional europeo. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the new articula tion of power in the European Union in the Spanish state of autonomies. The relationship between politics and economy at European level must take into consideration two fundamental coordinates. On the one hand, the Euro pean constitucional system appears as a system opposite to that of social constitutionalism. Moreover, the characterization of the European economic constitution as a field of realization of the new transformations incorporated by the European project. Specially, because this represents the ideal platform in order to analyse the new articulation of power from European supranational space.

2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
Effie Fokas

This chapter considers the relationship between ‘Orthodoxies’ and ‘Europes’, highlighting the multiplicity of Eastern Christian Orthodox approaches and attitudes towards Europe, from one majority Orthodox national context to another and one historical period to another, ranging from anti-Europeanism (and anti-Westernism) to Europhilism. It also draws attention to differences in Orthodox stances on the idea of Europe, on the one hand, and the political reality of the European unification project, on the other. A temporal perspective is particularly relevant in changing attitudes to the European Union. Special attention is paid to external perspectives on the relationship between ‘Orthodoxy’ and ‘Europe’, often politicized and influenced by the political turmoil in the Balkans. The chapter closes with reference to the situation of flux characterizing contemporary conceptions of Europe, and the impact of the latter on ‘Orthodoxy’ in relation to ‘Europe’.


2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 151-174
Author(s):  
Alicia Gil-Torres ◽  
◽  
Cristina San José-de la Rosa ◽  

The interest of this research resides in the analysis of the only fiction series dealing with the functioning of the European Union: the French- Belgian-German production Parlement (Émilie Noblet and Jérémie Sein, 2020). Through a qualitative methodology, it seeks to answer a threefold re- search objective: (1) to analyze the main characters and their characteristic elements; (2) to identify the space-time relationship and the political actions addressed in fiction in order to provide realism to its development through the scenarios and arguments presented; and (3) to detect the existence of parallelisms between the European Union in the social imagery and the one presented in the series according to the theory of social representations, the reality effect and the Eurobarometer surveys. The results reveal that Parle- ment works with stereotypes and social perceptions about the European Union through satire but manages to offer pedagogical elements in all its epi- sodes. In this way, it accomplishes becoming a popular catalyst to bring Euro- pean politics closer to citizens, by projecting a more human and lighthearted image.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (36) ◽  
pp. 127-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Pascual Sáez ◽  
Santiago Álvarez-García ◽  
Daniela Castañeda Rodríguez

AbstractThis paper provides new evidence of the impact of government spending on economic growth in the European Union countries. Governments can adjust their levels of spending in order to influence their economies, although the relationship between these variables can be positive or negative, depending on the countries included in the sample, the period of estimation and the variables which reflect the size of the public sector. The results obtained based on regression and panel techniques suggest that government expenditure is not clearly related with economic growth in the European Union countries over the period 1994-2012.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-60
Author(s):  
Jérôme Dumetz

Abstract The article is a position paper focusing on the current standoff between two regional powers, the European Union and Russia. Following a series of crises, in particular the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, the relationship between Russia and many of its neighbours has significantly deteriorated. This shift has led to various geopolitical opinions, often opposite and seemingly irreconcilable. A holistic and historical approach to this new reality leads some to question the validity of the current world order through the prism of the anachronistic concept of Empires. Subsequent to a review of definitions, the author analyses historical characteristics and political factors of the two territories on focus: the European Union and Russia. There are two outcomes of this study: On the one side, the European Union has become an organisation that shares many characteristics of an Empire, but several key elements exclude it from this political construction. On the other side, the geopolitical actions of Russia have shaped the position of the country into a structure that bears many of the artefacts of an Empire with key essential features. The conclusion of this argument states that the European Union is not an Empire by design, despite many resembling features; whilst Russia lives in an anachronistic paradigm of an Empire, without having the means of being one.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Wimmel

This article examines the impact of national borders on public discourses, based on a case study of the struggle surrounding Turkey’s application to join the European Union (EU). Comparing opinions, reasons and interpretation patterns in quality press commentaries about enlarging the EU beyond the Bosphorus, the article confirms the importance and robustness of national cleavages between the German and the French public spheres on the one hand and the British public sphere on the other. Whereas Turkish membership was predominantly rejected on the continent, the British commentators strongly and almost unanimously supported Ankara’s request. These similarities and divergences, I argue, are first and foremost the result of competing visions of Europe’s finality, especially regarding various constitutional ideas and cultural principles. Against this background, the Turkey question was partly exploited as an instrument to advance or to suppress different concepts on the future of European integration.


Author(s):  
Azar Aliyev

The relationship between the EU and Azerbaijan is ambivalent: strong economic cooperation, membership in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), on the one hand, and differences with regard to human rights issues and tough negotiations on a new Cooperation Agreement, on the other hand. However, many facts are in favour of strong impact of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) jurisprudence on Azerbaijan. Despite all the tensions, Azerbaijan consistently developed its legal system based on the European, especially German, model. European law is a mandatory course in the largest law faculty of the country. Azerbaijan has positive experience with the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), which plays an important role in the development of the legal and court systems of the country. The chapter shows that despite the favourable circumstances, the impact of the CJEU jurisprudence on Azerbaijan remains very limited. It analyses three decisions of the Constitutional Court referencing to CJEU jurisprudence. Furthermore, the author tries to identify the reasons for this by analysing the legal and courts systems, as well as the legal education, and comes up with several proposals on how to make the CJEU jurisprudence more fruitful for Azerbaijan, but also for other neighbouring jurisdictions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 225-258
Author(s):  
Lisa Webley ◽  
Harriet Samuels

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter provides an overview of the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the UK and the impact of this relationship on Parliament’s legislative supremacy. It begins by considering the nature of the EU and the sources of EU law. It then examines how EU membership affected the UK legal order during the UK’s membership and its implications for parliamentary supremacy. It considers the impact of Brexit and the UK–EU Trade and Co-operation Agreement on the UK’s constitutional framework.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Marta Migliorati

Abstract Drawing on a principal–agent framework the article analyses the European Union (EU) politics of delegation in the post-Maastricht era. By means of statistical analysis, it tests the impact of several variables upon the selection of national and supranational agents, as well as on the discretion they enjoy, on the basis of a recently collected data set of EU laws. Findings reveal that pooling and policy complexity favour the involvement of supranational actors in the implementation of EU laws. Moreover, the degree of supranational integration of a policy affects the likelihood of choosing supranational implementers. On the one hand, the Commission enjoys higher discretion vis-à-vis national actors when qualified majority voting applies, and when higher levels of conflict in the Council of Ministers is present. On the other, conflict between the European Parliament and the Council under codecision seems associated with lower supranational discretion, although the result needs further corroboration.


Author(s):  
Mihaiela Ristei Gugiu ◽  
P. Cristian Gugiu

Although significant attention has been paid to the impact of the recent economic crisis on European economies, less attention has been devoted to the association between the economic crisis and corruption. Utilizing structural equation modeling (SEM), the present study investigated the structural relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption in the European Union. Standard and multilevel SEM was used to estimate the relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption utilizing data from the 2011 Eurobarometer. The results confirmed the hypothesized model. Specifically, the study found a moderately strong direct positive relationship between the economic crisis and perceptions of corruption. The results indicated that a one-size-fits-all policy aimed at combating corruption, or perceptions thereof, is likely to yield inconsistent results.


Sociologija ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-371
Author(s):  
Zorana Antonijevic

The analysis that will be addressed in this paper will be in the outline of understanding the relationship between gender and politics as a dynamic and variable impact of the women?s movement on public policy and their institutionalization. Within the theoretical framework of ?state feminism?, I will try to give a critical review of the impact and results of the gender equality mechanisms (women?s policy agencies), especially in relation to the policies and practices of the feminist movement in Serbia. My analysis will be primarily based on the theoretical bases derived from the research project on state feminism (2010) conducted by Dorothy E. McBride and Amy G. Mazur for more than thirty years. Also, some academic work dealing with state feminism concept will be examined trough case studies from the Western Balkans countries (Kesic, 2007,Spehar, 2007, 2012, 2014). Examples from the level of the European Union will be also taken into account (Squires 2007; Kantola and Outshoorn, 2007; Kantola and Dahl 2005; Kantola and Squires, 2012). Also, ?state feminism? is examined within the framework of the semi-periphery and policy creation in the process of transition and European Union accession.


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