From Democracy to Nazism (A Regional Case Study on Political Parties in Germany)

1945 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 1016
Author(s):  
R. K. Gooch ◽  
Rudolf Heberle
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 459-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Monteiro ◽  
Virgínia Ferreira

Abstract This paper aims to contribute towards a better understanding of the dynamics of women's movements and their relations with institutions, political parties and the official mechanisms used to promote gender equality. It is the outcome of the first study on State feminism in Portugal. Our research was carried out using a case study which focused on the main gender equality official mechanism and its networks, which required a qualitative approach. We concluded that currently, while the Portuguese State is confronted with its persistent inability to implement gender equality policies, the present situation of Portuguese women's movements is that of redefining and adjusting to the major challenge of reinvention and resignification within a very difficult external environment.


Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.


Author(s):  
Katharine Dommett ◽  
Luke Temple ◽  
Patrick Seyd

Abstract Over recent decades, scholars have explored political parties’ adoption of digital technology. Tracing successive eras of change, scholarship has examined the degree to which digital disrupts or embeds traditional power structures—with many studies finding evidence of ‘controlled-interactivity’. In this article, we revisit debates around the adoption of digital tools from a bottom-up perspective. Moving beyond attempts to categorise elite strategies for digital adoption, we consider practices on the ground to document how, in practice, digital technology is being taken up and used. Using a case study of the UK Labour Party, we categorise a range of different practices, highlighting and theorising the presence of digital adherents, laggards, entrepreneurs, renegades and refuseniks. Discussing the drivers of these practices, we offer new insight into variations in digital adoption and consider the significance of these trends for our understanding of party organisation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1343-1359
Author(s):  
Anthony Ridge-Newman

In Britain, by 2015, Web 2.0 had become a more widely accepted and established mode of civic engagement of which political e-participation became an observable extension. However, in the run-up to 2010, social media were newer, less understood and largely associated with younger generations. These changes present questions about how wider technocultural developments impacted political engagement between the 2010 and 2015 UK general elections. This article aims to go some way in examining this question with a theoretical focus on the role of Facebook as a driver of change in political organisation. Using the British Conservative Party as a case study, the article analyses and compares events, observations and shifting power relations associated with digital technology and organisational change observed over two election cycles spanning from 2005 to 2015. A focal aim is to examine changes in Conservative Party campaigns and organisation in order to contribute to wider debates about the impact of digital technology in changing the organisation and activities of actors, like political parties and political participants, in democratic contexts. The article concludes that a complex combination of internal and external, technological and human, and grassroots and centralised factors played roles in changing the Conservative Party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


1981 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Cox

This paper looks at the question of whether or not political parties in Britain have autonomy in drawing up legislation when in office. Using the development of party and governmental policies for land values problems since 1947 as case study, the paper assesses the relative merits of various explanations of policy making. While it is true in this particular case that adversary party politics and relative governmental autonomy in decision making does exist, the paper concludes by assessing the consequences of this for effective policy implementation. It is argued that policy formulated primarily on the basis of ideology and dogma leads to policy failure and, ultimately, the generation of pluralistic and/or corporatist tendencies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Brookfield

Neighbourhood planning, introduced through the Localism Act 2011, was intended to provide communities in England with new opportunities to plan and manage development. All communities were presented as being readily able to participate in this new regime with Ministers declaring it perfectly conceived to encourage greater involvement from a wider range of people. Set against such claims, while addressing significant gaps in the evidence, this paper provides a critical review of participation in neighbourhood planning, supported by original empirical evidence drawn from case study research. It does so at an interesting time as the community, and/or neighbourhood, appears across political parties as a preferred scalar focus for planning. Challenging Ministers’ assertions, while mirroring past experiments in community planning, participation is found to be modest and partial, concentrated amongst a few, relatively advantaged communities, and relatively advantaged interests within those communities. The paper considers the implications for future planning policy and practice.


Author(s):  
Enni-Kukka S E Tuomala ◽  
Weston L Baxter

AbstractGlobalisation and the mixing of people, cultures, religions and languages fuels pressing healthcare, educational, political and other complex sociocultural issues. Many of these issues are driven by society's struggle to find ways to facilitate deeper and more emotionally meaningful ways to help people connect and overcome the empathy gap which keeps various groups of people apart. This paper presents a process to design for empathy – as an outcome of design. This extends prior work which typically looks at empathy for design – as a part of the design process, as is common in inclusive design and human centered design process. We reflect on empathy in design and challenge the often internalised role of the designer to be more externalised, to shift from an empathiser to become an empathy generator. We develop and demonstrate the process to design for empathy through a co-creation case study aiming to bring empathy into politics. The ongoing project is set in the Parliament of Finland, and involves co- creation with six Members of the Parliament from five political parties. Outcomes of the process and case study are discussed, including design considerations for future research.


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